「深圳易力声3000人大罢工，工人为何要抵制“5天8小时”（2025.12.04-05）」周四（12月4日）起，位于广东深圳宝安区的易力声科技有限公司爆发大规模集体抗争行动。约3000名一线工人集体罢工，抗议公司长期实行“五天八小时”工作制。截至12月5日上午，工人的抗争行动仍在继续。

工人为何要抵制“5天8小时”工作制？

“五天八小时”本是国际通行的劳动标准，也是无数劳动者梦寐以求的工作节奏。但在易力声，工人们却为了反对它走上罢工——难道工人不喜欢休息？当然不是。

据多名工人透露，自2025年10月易力声取消加班以来，在扣除社保、公积金后，他们每月到手工资不足2000元，甚至低于深圳最低工资标准。根据深圳市政府2025年3月1日开始实施的标准，全日制就业劳动者最低工资标准不得低于2520元/月。

易力声曾是著名的“万人大厂”，因女性员工众多而被称为“女儿国”。随着产业转移和工厂规模收缩，如今只剩下约3000名员工，许多当年的年轻女工已步入中年，肩负着沉重的家庭负担。“在深圳，一个月两千块钱连自己都养不活，怎么养家？”对她们而言，加班费是维持生存所必须的口粮。

罢工导火索：长期“5天8小时”公告

12月3日，易力声公司发布的一则公告成为了此次大罢工的导火索。公告称受海外需求疲软影响，核心客户订单减少约20%，决定未来几个月继续维持“五天八小时”工作制，暂无加班安排。作为补偿，公司仅承诺在十二月为未加班的员工发放200-300元不等的一次性生活补助。

这则通知彻底点燃了工人的怒火。据工人透露，早在2024年，易力声母公司香港易路达国际的股权就已发生重大变更，其80%的股份被华勤技术收购，但公司并没有在易主后对工人作出赔偿。工人们认为，所谓“订单减少”，不过是订单向越南工厂转移。长期实行5天8小时，目的是以低薪逼走工人，逃避法定的N+1遣散费。“厂里用五天八小时的方式来耗着我们，想让我们自己走人，不想赔钱，”一位工人愤怒地表示。公司此时严格执行“国际标准”，并非为了员工福祉，而是将原本保护劳工的条款“武器化”，作为逼退员工的合法手段。

12月4日上午，罢工爆发，数千名工人聚集在工厂大门附近，阻拦了拉货车辆，高喊“赔钱、坚持”等口号。期间，一名工人与保安发生冲突，警察在试图抓走该工人时一度被围堵。工人们的诉求非常明确：要么恢复正常的加班以保障基本收入，要么就按照工龄进行合法赔偿。

僵局持续：工人坚持核心诉求

面对压力，易力声公司于4日下午发布通知，声称经与“部分员工代表”商讨，提高了未来几个月的月补贴标准至400-500元，并承诺在12月和明年1月有限增加周末加班工时，同时强硬要求员工于5日早8点前复工，否则按旷工处理。

然而，这份新提议遭到工人一致抵制。他们认为几百元的补贴杯水车薪，且对公司承诺的加班表示强烈不信任。更重要的是，工人们否认了所谓“员工代表”的合法性，因为他们并没有经过员工推选，而是易力声自行选定的。工人们仍坚持自己的诉求，要么恢复正常的加班以保障基本收入，要么就按照工龄进行合法赔偿。截至5日中午，工人们的抗争还在继续。

此次易力声罢工事件，也暴露了中国制造业工人面临的普遍困境：他们的生存高度依赖“超时劳动”。许多工厂为了控制成本并确保赶工能力，刻意将正常工作时间的薪资压低至仅能糊口的水平，迫使工人为了获取更高工资，而不得不接受长时间工作。而当企业将“遵守8小时工作制”作为变相裁员的工具时，工人们为了最低的生存底线，被迫陷入了抵制休息权、争取“加班权”的悲壮抗争中。毕竟，如果基本工资足以维持体面生活，没有人愿意每天工作12小时做“牛马”。

Shenzhen Yilisheng 3,000-Worker Strike: Why Are Workers Resisting the “Five-Day, Eight-Hour” Workweek?(Dec 4–5, 2025)

Starting Thursday, December 4, a large-scale labor action broke out at Yilisheng Technology Co., Ltd., located in Bao’an District, Shenzhen, Guangdong. Around 3,000 frontline workers went on strike, protesting the company’s long-term enforcement of the “five-day, eight-hour” workweek. As of the morning of December 5, the workers’ protest was still ongoing.

Why Are Workers Resisting the “Five-Day, Eight-Hour” Workweek?

The five-day, eight-hour workweek is an internationally recognized labor standard and a work schedule many employees dream of. But at Yilisheng, workers went on strike to oppose it—does this mean they dislike rest? Certainly not.

According to multiple workers, since Yilisheng canceled overtime in October 2025, after deductions for social insurance and housing fund contributions, their take-home pay has dropped below 2,000 yuan per month—below Shenzhen’s minimum wage. According to the Shenzhen municipal government, as of March 1, 2025, the minimum monthly wage for full-time employees is 2,520 yuan.

Yilisheng was once a well-known “10,000-worker factory,” often called a “women’s kingdom” because of its high proportion of female employees. As production shifted and the factory downsized, it now employs only around 3,000 people. Many of the former young female workers are now middle-aged with heavy family responsibilities. “In Shenzhen, 2,000 yuan a month isn’t even enough to support yourself—how can you support your family?” For them, overtime pay is not a bonus—it is a lifeline.

Trigger: Announcement of Continued “Five-Day, Eight-Hour” Schedule

On December 3, the company issued a notice that became the spark for the strike. It stated that due to weak overseas demand, core client orders had dropped by around 20%, and the five-day, eight-hour schedule would continue in the coming months, with no overtime arranged. As compensation, the company promised a one-time allowance of 200–300 yuan for daily-wage employees who did not work overtime in December.

This announcement ignited workers’ anger. Workers noted that as early as 2024, the parent company—Hong Kong Yiluda International—underwent a major ownership change, with 80% of shares acquired by Huaqin Technology, yet no compensation was provided to employees. Workers believe the so-called “order reduction” is actually a shift of production to factories in Vietnam. Maintaining the five-day, eight-hour schedule is a tactic to push employees out at low pay, avoiding legally mandated N+1 severance. “The factory is using the eight-hour schedule to wear us down, hoping we quit on our own—they don’t want to pay,” one worker said angrily. The strict enforcement of “international standards” is not for employee welfare, but a legal tool to force out workers.

Strike Erupts: Thousands Block Factory Gate

On the morning of December 4, thousands of workers gathered at the factory gate, blocked delivery vehicles, and chanted slogans such as “Pay us, we insist.” During the protest, a worker clashed with security, and police attempting to detain him were temporarily blocked by fellow workers. The workers’ demands are clear: either restore normal overtime to ensure basic income or provide lawful severance according to years of service.

Standoff Continues: Workers Hold Firm

Under pressure, Yilisheng issued a notice on the afternoon of December 4, claiming that after consulting “some employee representatives,” monthly allowances would be increased to 400–500 yuan for the coming months, and limited weekend overtime would be added in December and January. Employees were also required to return by 8 a.m. on December 5, or face disciplinary action for absenteeism.

The workers unanimously rejected this proposal. They consider a few hundred yuan insufficient, mistrust the promised overtime, and do not recognize the so-called “employee representatives,” who were selected by the company rather than elected by staff. Workers continue to insist on their demands: either restore normal overtime to ensure basic income or provide lawful severance according to years of service. As of midday December 5, the protest was still ongoing.

A Broader Picture: The Plight of Manufacturing Workers in China

The Yilisheng strike also highlights a broader issue faced by China’s manufacturing workers: their livelihood heavily relies on “overtime labor.” Many factories deliberately suppress regular wages to bare-minimum levels to control costs and meet production targets, forcing workers to accept long hours to earn enough to survive. When companies weaponize compliance with the eight-hour workweek as a tool for de facto layoffs, workers must fight to defend their basic survival, often resisting rest in order to demand “overtime rights.” After all, if basic wages were sufficient for a decent life, no one would willingly work 12 hours a day like a “beast of burden.”

「云贵反强制火葬运动继续蔓延：遵义2000农民力阻抢尸队（2025.12.03）」持续在中国西南云贵高原蔓延的农民反强制火葬运动，本周迎来了新的爆发点。本周三（12月3日），在贵州省遵义市正安县和溪镇桑坝村，一场传统的土葬仪式演变为一场大规模抗争事件。约两千名闻讯赶来的村民聚集在一起，组成了庞大的护葬队伍，与试图强行带走逝者遗体的政府人员发生冲突，并最终成功将逝者入土为安。

积怨已久，“榜样”力量点燃怒火

知情者表示，正安县多年来一直以高压方式执行强制火葬政策。对当地农民来说，这项政策不仅违背“入土为安”的传统理念，也带来额外的经济负担。长期以来，村民们虽心怀不满，却因行政力量强势而只能选择忍耐。然而，局势在今年底出现了转折。上月初开始，邻省云南昭通镇雄县，以及贵州贵阳市息烽县的多地农村，相继爆发了大规模且激烈的反强制火葬运动。在这些地区的抗争中，甚至出现了县长被愤怒的村民围堵、以及政府人员戴孝下跪等鼓舞人心的事件。

消息传到正安县，也极大地鼓舞了当地村民。特别是11月末的消息显示，在镇雄和息烽等地连续发生的数次大规模护送行动中，当地政府并未像往常一样强硬阻拦，执法人员似乎暂时退却。这让正安村民意识到，曾经看似不可撼动的政策，并非坚不可摧。

两千人集结，成功土葬

近日，正安县和溪镇桑坝村一位村民去世后，家属决定冲破禁令，于12月3日为逝者举行传统的土葬仪式。消息迅速传开，周边村庄的农民纷纷赶来声援。据目击者称，当天现场聚集了约2000人，声势浩大。和往常一样，当地政府派遣了政府工作人员和殡葬车辆到达现场，计划将遗体强行拉走火化。不过，他们显然低估了民众的规模和抵抗的决心。

在土葬起灵仪式开始前，现场气氛已极为紧张。一名抗争组织者公开向在场村民喊话：“如果他敢来抓丧，你们就敢跟我弄他！”这番话极大地提振了在场民众抵抗到底的决心。

冲突随即爆发。面对数千名情绪激动的村民，人数处于绝对劣势的政府抢尸人员迅速落了下风，在短暂的推搡和对峙后，被迫放弃了抢夺遗体的行动并撤离现场。随后，气势如虹的护葬队伍一路护送棺木抵达坟地，顺利完成了下葬仪式。

抗争浪潮蔓延，强制火葬政策正在土崩瓦解

正安县桑坝村的成功抗争，迅速通过网络在周边地区引发强烈反响。许多邻近县市的村民在网上留言声援，甚至有人亲自驾车前往现场观摩，学习“经验”。接连不断的成功案例，让至今仍在实行强制火葬地区的农民看到了改变的希望。有网友透露，邻近正安县的道真县、绥阳县等地，民间也正在酝酿策划类似的抵制行动。

从2024年贵州金沙、安龙、平塘、再到如今的息烽、正安以及云南镇雄，云贵地区的反强制火葬运动已呈燎原之势，这项在云贵高原实行了二十余年的强制政策，如今正在迅速的土崩瓦解。这些成功的案例形成了强大的示范效应，预计未来将会有更多地区的农民起来抗争。

“Anti–Forced Cremation Movement Continues to Spread Across Yunnan–Guizhou:2,000 Farmers in Zunyi Block Government Body-Seizure Team (Dec. 3, 2025)”

The wave of rural resistance against forced cremation that has been spreading across the Yunnan–Guizhou Plateau erupted at a new flashpoint this week. On Wednesday (December 3), in Sangba Village of Hexi Town, Zheng’an County, Zunyi City, Guizhou Province, a traditional burial ceremony escalated into a large-scale confrontation. Around 2,000 villagers rushed to the scene, forming a massive funeral defense line to block government personnel attempting to seize the body for cremation. The villagers ultimately succeeded in ensuring the deceased was buried according to local customs.

Years of resentment, and a “model effect” that ignited anger

According to local sources, Zheng’an County has enforced forced cremation with a heavy hand for many years. For farmers in the region, the policy not only violates the deeply held belief in “returning to the earth,” but also imposes added financial burdens. Although villagers have long harbored discontent, they have felt compelled to endure it due to the strength of administrative enforcement.

But this situation shifted toward the end of this year. Since early November, multiple rural areas in Zhenxiong County in Yunnan Province and Xifeng County in Guiyang, Guizhou, have erupted in large-scale and intense resistance movements against forced cremation. These protests have produced striking scenes in which angry villagers cornered county officials, and government personnel were forced to kneel while wearing mourning cloths—events that widely inspired others across the region.

News of these confrontations quickly reached Zheng’an County and significantly boosted local morale. Reports that, in late November, officials in Zhenxiong and Xifeng backed down during several large-scale funeral defense actions convinced Zheng’an villagers that a policy once seen as unshakeable was not, in fact, invincible.

Two thousand villagers gather and secure a successful burial

After a resident of Sangba Village passed away recently, the family decided to defy the ban and hold a traditional burial on December 3. Word spread quickly, and farmers from surrounding villages rushed to support them. Witnesses estimated that roughly 2,000 people gathered at the scene.

As usual, local authorities dispatched staff members and funeral vehicles, intending to seize the body for cremation. But they had clearly underestimated both the size of the crowd and the villagers’ determination.

Before the burial procession began, tensions were already extremely high. One organizer shouted to the gathered crowd, “If they dare to seize the body, you follow me and we’ll stop them!” The declaration significantly strengthened the villagers’ resolve.

Conflict broke out shortly afterward. Outnumbered by thousands of agitated villagers, the government’s “body seizure team” quickly lost control. After brief pushing and confrontation, officials were forced to abandon their attempt and withdraw. The villagers then escorted the coffin to the burial site, completing the ceremony without further interference.

A spreading wave of resistance: the forced cremation system begins to crumble

The successful defense in Zheng’an County spread rapidly across local social networks, generating strong reactions in neighboring regions. Residents from nearby counties left messages expressing support, and some even drove to the village to observe the event and “learn from the experience.” A succession of victories has given farmers in other areas still under strict cremation enforcement renewed hope for change. Some online users reported that residents in neighboring Daozhen County and Suiyang County are already planning similar actions.

From the 2024 incidents in Guizhou’s Jinsha, Anlong, and Pingtang counties, to the more recent confrontations in Xifeng, Zheng’an, and Zhenxiong in Yunnan, the anti–forced cremation movement across the Yunnan–Guizhou Plateau has grown into a prairie fire. A policy enforced in parts of the region for more than two decades now appears increasingly unstable. These successive victories have generated a powerful demonstration effect, and many believe more rural communities will rise up in the coming weeks and months.

「山东郯城长期遭霸凌学生徐杨之死（2025.11.29-12.03）」2025年11月29日晚，山东临沂郯城一中高三学生徐杨，在忍受了长达半年的校园霸凌后，从学校对面小区的18楼纵身跃下，将自己的生命永远定格在了17岁。在决绝离开这个世界之前，他给含辛茹苦抚养他长大的外婆和舅舅留下了最后的只言片语：“感谢17年照顾，但是我要去找我妈妈了。” 这句话，成了他与这个世界最后的连接。

这场悲剧并非毫无征兆。家属与同学披露的信息显示，徐杨在过去的半年里持续遭受同班同学的歧视与霸凌，被当众称作“孤儿”，被多次殴打。而作为本应保护学生的学校与班主任，却被指长期纵容、回避，甚至在事发当天仍在隐瞒消息。

徐杨的舅舅悲痛地回忆，徐杨从小父母失联，是外婆和舅舅一手带大的。虽然命运多舛，但初中时的徐杨成绩优异，性格开朗，懂事听话，凭着自己的努力考入了全县最好的高中——郯城一中。然而，这座本应通向光明未来的象牙塔，却成了他人生的梦魇。进入高中后，那个曾经阳光的少年不见了。舅舅悲愤地控诉，以高三21班班长为首的小团体，长期对徐杨进行有组织的歧视和霸凌。他们抓住徐杨最脆弱的痛点，四处宣扬他“没有爹没有娘”，是个“孤儿”。折磨徐杨的除了诛心的言语，还有直接的肢体暴力。据同学们在网络上曝光的多段视频显示，徐杨生前曾多次惨遭同学的拳脚相加和围殴。这种灵与肉的双重摧残，将徐杨长期置于极其压抑和恐惧的环境中，他曾哭着跑回家喊着“不想上学了”，直到霸凌最终彻底摧毁了他的心理防线。

酿成悲剧的，除了校园霸凌，还有教育者的缺位与冷漠。家属痛陈，悲剧的发生与班主任张衍国的长期纵容脱不了干系，徐杨在学校长期遭受霸凌，班主任张衍国却没有干预也没有告知家长。而据家属在班级群的指控来看，班主任的儿子也在霸凌者之列。家长还指控，事发当天，徐杨跑出学校哭诉，而此时作为第一责任人的班主任并未在岗，管理严重失职。另外，徐杨在放学高峰期坠楼身亡，学校竟没有第一时间通知家属。直到深夜，见孩子迟迟未归的舅舅找到学校，却被门卫死死拦在门外，几经力争才被支去派出所找人。事发后，面对家属在微信群里的焦急质问和对真相的渴求，班主任张衍国做出的回应，竟然是直接解散了家长群。

12月1日，面对学校和老师的推诿，走投无路的家属们被迫选择了最惨烈的方式维权。他们将灵柩运至校门口堵住大门，拉起写有“校园霸凌害死学生”等控诉的多条横幅，摆放花圈，焚烧纸钱，用喇叭哭喊着要求一个公道。然而，他们等来的不是校方的道歉与真相，而是迅速赶到的警察。维权行动被驱散，横幅被没收。学校门口至今戒备森严。与此同时，网络上同学和网友们自发为徐杨发声、谴责霸凌和学校黑暗的言论，也迅速遭遇了删帖和封号。对此，徐杨的一名同学表示，“封号、删帖，现实比小说还黑暗。”

面对网络舆论和家属的血泪控诉，郯城一中给出的回应依然冰冷：“警方已介入调查，我们在积极配合，网上关于男孩‘遭受霸凌自杀’的说法还不能确定，希望广大网友不信谣不传谣。” 一个鲜活生命的逝去，对他们来说，只是一条需要被稳妥“处理”的舆情。

截至12月3日，在网络上，仍有大量的网友在接力为徐杨发声 。在现实中，也不断有网友前往郯城一中为徐杨献上鲜花。

“The Death of Xu Yang, a Student Long Bullied in Tancheng, Shandong (2025.11.29–12.03)”

On the night of November 29, 2025, Xu Yang, a 17-year-old senior student at Tancheng No.1 High School in Linyi, Shandong, ended his life by jumping from the 18th floor of a residential building across from his school, after enduring six months of relentless bullying. Before leaving this world for good, he left his grandmother and uncle—who had raised him with immense hardship—his final words: “Thank you for taking care of me for 17 years, but I’m going to find my mother now.” That single sentence became his last thread of connection to the world.

This tragedy did not come without warning. Information disclosed by relatives and classmates revealed that Xu Yang had been subjected to ongoing discrimination and bullying by classmates over the past six months. He was publicly called an “orphan” and repeatedly beaten. The school and his homeroom teacher—who should have protected him—were accused of long-term negligence, evasion, and even covering up the situation on the day of the incident.

Xu Yang’s uncle recalled in grief that Xu’s parents had disappeared when he was young, leaving his grandmother and uncle to raise him. Despite a difficult childhood, he excelled academically in junior high school, remained cheerful, mature, and obedient, and through his own efforts was admitted to the county’s top high school—Tancheng No.1 High School. But the place that was supposed to lead him toward a brighter future became the site of his worst nightmare. After entering high school, the once-sunny boy disappeared.

The uncle angrily stated that a clique led by the class leader of Senior 3, Class 21 had systematically bullied and discriminated against Xu Yang. They attacked his deepest vulnerability, publicly spreading that he “had no father or mother,” calling him an “orphan.” Their cruelty went beyond words—there was physical violence. Multiple videos posted online showed Xu being repeatedly punched, kicked, and assaulted by classmates. This relentless mental and physical abuse placed him in a long-term state of fear and suffocating pressure. He once ran home in tears, crying that he “didn’t want to go to school anymore.” In the end, the bullying completely shattered his psychological defenses.

The tragedy was not only caused by bullying, but also by the absence and indifference of the educators responsible for his safety. The family stated that the homeroom teacher, Zhang Yanguo, had long tolerated the violence. Despite Xu being bullied for months, Zhang neither intervened nor informed the family. According to accusations in the class WeChat group, the teacher’s own son was among the bullies.

On the day of the incident, Xu fled the school crying, yet the homeroom teacher—his primary responsible guardian at school—was not even on duty. Later, Xu died by falling during the after-school rush hour, but the school failed to notify the family immediately. It was only late at night, when he still hadn’t returned home, that his uncle came to the school, only to be blocked at the gate by security and told to go to the police station after repeated pleading. After the incident, when the family demanded answers in the WeChat group, teacher Zhang abruptly dissolved the parent group.

On December 1, facing the school’s evasion and stonewalling, the desperate family resorted to the most painful form of protest. They brought Xu Yang’s coffin to the school gate, blocking the entrance. They hung banners reading “Campus Bullying Killed a Student,” placed wreaths, burned funeral paper, and cried through loudspeakers demanding justice. But instead of an apology or the truth, what awaited them was the rapid arrival of police. Their protest was dispersed, the banners confiscated. The school entrance remains under tight control.

Meanwhile, online posts from classmates and netizens speaking up for Xu Yang—and exposing the bullying—were quickly deleted, with accounts banned. As one of Xu’s classmates said, “Deleting posts and banning accounts—reality is darker than fiction.”

Confronted with an overwhelming wave of public outrage and the family’s grief, Tancheng No.1 High School responded with chilling detachment: “The police have launched an investigation and we are cooperating. The online claims of ‘bullying leading to suicide’ cannot be confirmed. We urge the public not to believe or spread rumors.”
For them, the loss of a young life seemed to be nothing more than a “public opinion issue” to be properly handled.

As of December 3, many netizens continue to speak out for Xu Yang online. In the real world, people are still arriving at Tancheng No.1 High School to lay flowers in his memory.

「湖南数百业主连日抗议大型垃圾站与开发商发生冲突（2025.11.27-28）」湖南省娄底市新化县新康资江世纪城和平苑小区的数百名业主，为抵制小区旁即将开建的大型垃圾转运站，于11月27日至28日连续两天发起集体维权行动。愤怒的业主先后在售楼部和县政府前集会，并与开发商人员两度发生冲突。

引爆此次维权的导火索，是今年11月突然公示的“北塔垃圾转运站”建设信息。据了解，该转运站占地约2100平方米，选址位于新化县城西北路与北塔路交叉口西北侧，紧邻河西污水处理厂，距离和平苑和北塔学校仅一路之隔。

多名业主表示，和平苑于2021年开盘，是当时新化县价格最高的楼盘之一，许多家庭投入上百万元购房。销售期间，开发商新康公司曾反复宣称，附近的污水处理厂将搬迁，并将在原址建设“花山湿地公园”，营造高端宜居环境。

然而，今年11月的公示彻底打破了业主的“湿地公园”愿景：污水厂不仅未按承诺搬迁，湿地公园也杳无踪影。更严重的是，在未来，业主们还将与全县生活垃圾为邻。一旦垃圾站建成，和平苑上千户以及紧邻的北塔学校数千名学生将直接面临恶臭、空气污染、病菌滋生等带来的严重健康威胁。

更加令业主愤怒的是，他们在查阅资料后发现，该垃圾转运站项目早在2020年10月就已获批并完成过公示。业主们指责新康公司刻意隐瞒重大不利信息，待楼盘在2025年基本售罄后，才让垃圾站“浮出水面”，属于典型的欺诈式销售。

得知真相后，愤怒的业主在11月27日发起首次维权行动，在新康公司旗下的生鲜超市与和平苑售楼部拉起横幅抗议，并与开发商雇佣的人员发生激烈冲突。

11月28日，业主的维权行动进一步升级，数百名业主来到新化县政府门前集会，要求政府介入并叫停项目，当局出动了大量警察到现场戒备。期间，业主与到场的开发商人员再次爆发冲突。

据知情网友透露，“北塔垃圾转运站”此前曾先后选址在新化县大汉龙城、资江府小区附近，但均因以上小区业主的强烈反对而被迫取消。

“Hundreds of Homeowners in Hunan Protest Planned Garbage Transfer Station, Clash with Developer (Nov 27–28, 2025)”

Hundreds of homeowners from the Hepingyuan community in Xinkang Zijiang Century City, located in Xinhua County, Loudi City, Hunan Province, launched a two-day collective protest on November 27 and 28, opposing the construction of a large garbage transfer station next to their neighborhood. The angry residents gathered first at the sales office and later in front of the county government, clashing twice with personnel from the developer.

The protests were triggered by a sudden public notice issued in November announcing the construction of the “Beita Garbage Transfer Station.” According to the notice, the station would occupy about 2,100 square meters and be located at the northwest corner of the intersection of Xibei Road and Beita Road in Xinhua County, adjacent to the Hexi Sewage Treatment Plant and separated from Hepingyuan and Beita School by only a single road.

Many homeowners said that Hepingyuan, which opened for sale in 2021, was among the most expensive residential projects in Xinhua at the time, with many families investing more than one million yuan to purchase units. During the sales period, the developer, Xinkang Company, repeatedly claimed that the nearby sewage treatment plant would be relocated and that a “Huashan Wetland Park” would be built on the original site to create a high-end, livable environment.

However, the November notice completely shattered homeowners’ expectations. The sewage plant had not been relocated as promised, and there was no sign of the wetland park. Even worse, residents learned that they would soon be living next to the main transfer site for household waste from the entire county. Once built, the station would expose more than 1,000 households in Hepingyuan and several thousand students at the adjacent Beita School to foul odors, air pollution, and the health risks associated with pathogens.

Adding to their anger, homeowners discovered through public records that the garbage transfer station project had already been approved and publicly disclosed in October 2020. They accused Xinkang Company of intentionally concealing major negative information and allowing the garbage station plan to “resurface” only after most units were sold by 2025 — a practice they described as classic fraudulent marketing.

After learning the truth, homeowners launched their first protest on November 27, hanging banners at a Xinkang-owned grocery store and at the Hepingyuan sales office. A violent confrontation took place between homeowners and individuals hired by the developer.

On November 28, the protests escalated. Hundreds of residents gathered in front of the Xinhua County Government, demanding government intervention and a halt to the project. A large number of police were deployed to the scene. During the standoff, homeowners and developer representatives clashed for the second time.

According to informed online sources, the “Beita Garbage Transfer Station” had previously been planned near the Dahan Longcheng and Zijiangfu residential communities in Xinhua County, but both plans were scrapped due to strong opposition from homeowners in those areas.

「600电商达人上海抖音总部持续维权，曾遭警察镇压（2025.11.23-30）」来自中国多地的约600名抖音电商商家与带货达人自2025年11月23日起，连续一周在抖音集团位于上海杨浦区五角场淞沪路的总部大楼前集体维权，抗议抖音电商平台乱罚款以及随意冻结货款，并要求平台取消错误判罚、返还被冻结或罚没的货款。

多名参与维权的商家表示，过去一年多来，平台动辄采取高额罚款和长期冻结货款来处罚商家，很多商家并没有任何违规，仍然被处罚，且申诉流程不透明，成功率低，导致大量商家蒙受经济损失，全国范围内受此影响的商家已达数万人。公开报道显示，抖音于2024年起加大了打假与侵权治理力度，至今已主动删除数百万条涉假链接、清退十六万家涉假店铺，且对侵权商家和达人进行了大规模处罚。不少商家表示，抖音的乱扣乱罚行为，相比中国的另一电商巨头拼多多有过之而无不及。2024年，电商拼多多曾因乱扣乱罚行为，引发大批电商在广东、上海等地集会抗议。

11月28日，维权的商家曾在抖音总部大楼前遭到镇压。商家拍摄的视频显示，现场有商家被警察强行带走，还有商家倒地不起。

据多名商家透露，面对维权商家的压力，抖音公司在11月28日做出了让步：取消了大量大额罚单，并缩短了部分店铺的货款冻结期；不过，达人账户和被冻结款项仍未获解冻。与此同时，多位外地商家也反馈，他们此前遭遇的判罚被部分撤销或冻结期限被缩短，证实了抖音公司已作出让步的说法。

截至11月30日，仍有大量商家在抖音上海总部维权，同时，还有不少商家在陆续赶往上海参与维权行动。

“600 E-commerce Creators Stage Week-long Protest at Douyin’s Shanghai Headquarters, Previously Met with Police Crackdowns (Nov 23–30, 2025)”

Around 600 Douyin e-commerce merchants and livestreaming creators from across China have staged a week-long protest since November 23, 2025, outside the company’s headquarters on Songhu Road in Wujiaochang, Yangpu District, Shanghai. They accuse Douyin’s e-commerce platform of arbitrary fines and unjustified freezing of their funds, demanding that the platform revoke incorrect penalties and return frozen or confiscated payments.

Many participating merchants say that over the past year, Douyin has frequently imposed hefty fines and prolonged fund freezes as punishments. Numerous merchants report being penalized despite committing no violations, while the appeal process is opaque and rarely successful. As a result, large numbers of merchants have suffered financial losses, with tens of thousands reportedly affected nationwide. Public reports indicate that since 2024, Douyin has intensified its crackdowns on counterfeit and infringing products—removing millions of suspected fake-product links, shutting down 160,000 problematic stores, and issuing widespread penalties to merchants and creators. Many merchants say Douyin’s arbitrary fines and fund freezes are even more severe than those seen on Pinduoduo, another major Chinese e-commerce platform that faced mass protests in Guangdong, Shanghai, and other regions in 2024 over similar issues.

On November 28, merchants protesting at Douyin’s Shanghai headquarters were met with a police crackdown. Videos recorded by participants show some merchants being forcibly taken away by police, while others were seen collapsing on the ground.

According to several merchants, Douyin made concessions on November 28 under mounting pressure from the demonstrators: the platform canceled numerous large fines and shortened the fund-freezing period for some stores. However, creators’ accounts and many frozen funds have not been fully restored. Merchants from other regions also reported that their previous penalties had been partially withdrawn or that their freezing periods had been shortened—corroborating claims that Douyin had begun to compromise.

As of November 30, large numbers of merchants continue to protest at Douyin’s Shanghai headquarters, while many more are reportedly traveling to Shanghai to join the demonstrations.

「贵州“反强制火葬”运动升级：镇长抢尸被擒后戴孝下跪（2025.11.28）」本周五，贵州贵阳息烽县持续了近一个月的“反强制火葬运动”再度爆发激烈冲突。包括一名镇长在内的三名政府工作人员，在试图强行抢夺遗体、并殴打逝者家属后，被愤怒的村民当场扣留。为避免挨打，三人最终戴上孝布，并在逝者棺木前下跪。

据村民透露，11月28日上午，息烽县西山镇联合村杉树坪，家属及村民在抬送一名逝者灵柩下葬途中，遭到多名政府人员和殡仪馆工作人员的拦截。政府人员要求家属交出遗体，拉到殡仪馆实施火化。然而，村民表示，死者家属持有合法土葬手续，并没有任何违规。

双方在争执中爆发肢体冲突，导致一名家属受伤。愤怒的村民随即扣留了包括镇长、支书在内的多名政府人员，并砸毁了车窗玻璃。之后，消息迅速在当地扩散，大量周边村民迅速集结，现场人数达到了数百人。

根据村民拍摄的视频，包括镇长在内的三名男子被押至棺木前，被要求以“孝子”身份下跪，并按当地习俗给他们戴上了代表孝子的白色孝布。讽刺的是，面对村民的喝斥与嘲讽，这些平日里高高在上的政府人员，非常顺从地完成了村民的要求。不过，其他政府人员却在此期间趁乱逃走。最终，在承诺不再继续封路阻拦村民后，这几名政府人员才被允许离开，但所有随行车辆均被村民扣留。

据现场网友透露，29日上午，在政府承诺将赔偿伤者医疗费用后，逝者已被下葬。现场视频显示，当天中午，被扣留的一辆红旗轿车已经被村民推下公路。

自本月初以来，贵州息烽与云南镇雄两地农民接连发起大规模“反强制火葬运动”，反对地方政府推行的强制火化政策。在此期间，两地村民和政府人员发生过多次冲突，息烽县副县长亦曾被村民围堵。在息烽县石垌镇木杉村，数千村民为防止政府人员“偷尸”，已在墓地轮流值守超过二十天，至今仍在坚守。

“Guizhou’s Anti-Forced Cremation Movement Escalates: Township Head Captured After Trying to Seize a Body, Forced to Wear Mourning Cloth and Kneel (2025.11.28)”

On Friday, in Xifeng County of Guiyang, Guizhou, the month-long anti-forced cremation movement once again erupted into violent confrontation. Three government officials — including the township head — were seized on the spot by enraged villagers after attempting to forcibly take a deceased person’s body and assaulting family members. To avoid being beaten, the three were ultimately made to wear white mourning cloths and kneel before the coffin.

According to villagers, on the morning of November 28, in Shanshuping, Lianhe Village of Xishan Town, family members and villagers were carrying a coffin to the burial site when they were blocked by several government officials and funeral-home workers. The officials demanded that the family hand over the body and transport it to the funeral home for cremation. Villagers, however, said the family possessed legal approval for a traditional burial and had violated no regulations.

A physical clash broke out during the dispute, injuring one family member. Furious, villagers detained several government personnel — including the township head and the Party branch secretary — and smashed the windows of their vehicle. The incident quickly spread through the community, and villagers from surrounding areas rapidly gathered, swelling the crowd to several hundred people.

Videos taken by villagers show three men — including the township head — being brought before the coffin. They were forced to kneel as “mourning sons,” and white mourning cloths were tied to their heads according to local customs. Ironically, despite their usual authority, the officials complied obediently amid villagers’ scolding and ridicule. Other officials, however, managed to flee during the chaos. Ultimately, the detained officials were allowed to leave only after promising not to block the villagers again. All accompanying vehicles remained in villagers’ custody.

According to locals at the scene, on the morning of the 29th, after the government promised to cover the injured person’s medical expenses, the deceased was buried. Video from that afternoon shows villagers pushing one of the seized Hongqi sedans off the roadside.

Since early this month, farmers in Xifeng, Guizhou, and Zhenxiong, Yunnan, have repeatedly launched large-scale protests against mandatory cremation policies imposed by local governments. Multiple clashes have occurred between villagers and authorities. In Xifeng, even a deputy county head was once surrounded by villagers. In Mushan Village of Shidong Town, thousands of villagers have been taking turns guarding the cemetery for over twenty days to prevent officials from “stealing bodies,” and the watch continues.

「辽宁瓦房店政府挪用“独生子女补贴” 数百农村老人集体维权（2025.11.24）」本周一（11月24日），辽宁大连瓦房店市发生60岁以上农村老人集体维权事件。数百名来自当地十余个乡镇的农村独生子女父母聚集在市政府门前，要求当地政府尽快兑现承诺，发放长期拖欠的独生子女父母补贴。

“独生子女父母补贴”是大连市自2004年起实施的一项计划生育配套政策，用于鼓励农村家庭只生育一个小孩。根据该政策，凡1933年1月1日以后出生、年满60岁的农村独生子女父母，每人可领取960元补贴。然而，这笔本就微薄的补贴自2021年起便开始被拖欠。虽然在老人们多次维权后，瓦房店政府补发了2021年的款项，但2022年至今的补贴仍未发放。有老人直言，这笔专项资金极有可能已经被地方政府挪作他用。一位参与维权的老人透露，她为此数次赴京上访，交通与时间成本早已超过补贴金额本身。

在持续不断的压力下，瓦房店市政府领导曾多次承诺补发欠款。一名市长曾表示将在2025年10月底完成发放，但承诺未能兑现。11月5日，在数百名老人再次集体维权后，相关领导又承诺将于11月15日补发部分款项，但这一承诺依旧落空。

在本周一的维权现场，老人们特地请来了一名年轻律师，希望借助法律途径与政府沟通。但面对律师和数百名老人，政府工作人员仍以各种理由推脱，未能提出任何明确的解决方案或付款时间表。最终，这场持续数小时的维权行动仍旧无果而终。这些年龄已超过六旬的老人们，只能带着新的失望再次离开。

事实上，独生子女父母补贴被长期拖欠的问题并非瓦房店市独有。据“昨天”项目统计，在中国北方地区，近年来已经出现多起因政府拖欠独生子女补贴而引发的老人维权事件。在与瓦房店市相邻的大连普兰店区和庄河市，农村老人们虽然已经发起过多次维权行动，但至今仍有长达三年的“独生子女补贴”没有拿到。

“Liaoning Wafangdian Government Diverts ‘One-Child Allowance’ Funds, Hundreds of Rural Elderly Protest (2025.11.24)”

On Monday (November 24), a collective protest involving rural elderly over the age of 60 took place in Wafangdian, a county-level city under Dalian in Liaoning Province. Hundreds of rural parents of one-child families, coming from more than a dozen local townships, gathered in front of the city government to demand that officials honor their promise and pay out the long-overdue one-child parent allowance.

The one-child parent allowance is a family-planning support policy implemented in Dalian since 2004 to encourage rural families to have only one child. Under this policy, rural parents of one-child families born after January 1, 1933, and aged 60 or above, are eligible to receive an annual subsidy of 960 yuan per person. However, even this modest allowance has been in arrears since 2021. Although, after repeated protests, the Wafangdian government eventually paid the 2021 allowance, the payments for 2022 onward remain outstanding. Some elderly residents bluntly stated that the designated funds were very likely diverted by local authorities for other uses. One protester revealed that she had traveled to Beijing multiple times to petition, and the travel costs and time spent had long exceeded the amount of the subsidy itself.

Facing mounting pressure, Wafangdian officials have repeatedly promised to repay the arrears. The mayor once said that the payments would be completed by the end of October 2025, but the pledge was never fulfilled. On November 5, after hundreds of elderly residents protested again, officials promised to issue part of the overdue funds by November 15 — yet this promise also went unfulfilled.

At Monday’s protest, the elderly residents invited a young lawyer in hopes of opening a formal legal dialogue with the government. But even in the presence of the lawyer and hundreds of elderly citizens, government staff continued to evade responsibility with various excuses, offering neither a clear plan nor any timeline for repayment. After several hours, the protest ended without any resolution. The elderly — all now well into their sixties — had no choice but to leave once again, disappointed.

In fact, long-term arrears of the one-child parent allowance are not unique to Wafangdian. According to statistics from the “Yesterday” project, similar protests by elderly residents have emerged across northern China in recent years over unpaid one-child allowances. In Dalian’s adjacent districts — Pulandian and Zhuanghe — rural elderly have already staged multiple protests, yet many have still not received up to three years’ worth of the allowance.

「生存压力下，辽宁、吉林数千辆出租车相继罢工（2025.11.21-24）」近日，中国东北地区的辽宁阜新和吉林松原接连爆发大规模出租车罢工事件。面对微薄的收入、巨大的生活压力以及“黑车”的冲击，数千名司机选择了停运抗议。

11月21日，辽宁省阜新市约3000辆出租车集体停运。据当事司机透露，罢工的直接导火索是近期大量“黑网约车”抢占了客源，而当地政府干预不力，导致本就收入微薄的司机们入不敷出。司机们曾试图集体驾车前往沈阳上访，但在途中遭到警察拦截。迫于压力，阜新市交通运输综合执法队当日即发布通告，承诺将于11月26日前清理滴滴平台中未取得网约车运输证的车辆。仅三天后，吉林省松原市的2000多辆出租车也因遭受同样的生存挤压，发起了集体罢工。

根据“昨天”项目统计，2025年以来，东北三省已先后发生十余起出租车罢工事件。如此频繁的罢工背后，除了私家车增多，网约车、共享单车等新兴业态的市场冲击外，更深层的原因在于当地低迷的经济环境与极度饱和的出租车市场。以辽宁阜新为例，该市人口仅约160万，2024年GDP仅650亿元，却拥有三千余辆出租车，相当于每533人就拥有一辆。这一人均保有量远超一般三四线城市，密度堪比北京、上海。出租车数量如此之多，一方面源于阜新市是一个资源枯竭型城市，在大量的矿企倒闭后，下岗的工人们便涌入了出租车这一入行门槛相对较低的行业以维持生计。与此同时，地方政府为追求财政收入，也曾滥发大量出租车牌照。在市场极度饱和的状态下，任何未经许可的外部运力（如“黑车”）介入，都会成为压垮司机生计的最后一根稻草，从而引发罢工。

面对行业日渐衰落，司机们为何仍不转行？原因在于，出租车牌照和车辆成本高昂，动辄数十万元，在当前的市场环境下，很难通过转手收回投入。此外，受年龄和技能限制，许多司机除了开车几乎没有其他谋生手段。尽管他们清楚这是一个“黄昏产业”，但在经济压力与就业局限的双重夹击下，只能艰难坚持，直至陷入生存困境。

Under Survival Pressure, Thousands of Taxis Strike in Liaoning and Jilin (Nov 21–24, 2025)

Recently, large-scale taxi strikes have erupted consecutively in Fuxin, Liaoning Province, and Songyuan, Jilin Province, in Northeast China. Facing meager incomes, immense living pressures, and competition from unlicensed “black taxis,” thousands of drivers chose to suspend operations in protest.

On November 21, about 3,000 taxis in Fuxin collectively stopped operating. According to drivers involved, the immediate trigger was the surge of unlicensed ride-hailing vehicles that captured passengers, while local authorities failed to intervene effectively, leaving already low-earning drivers unable to make ends meet. Drivers attempted to drive collectively to Shenyang to petition higher authorities but were intercepted along the way. Under pressure, the Fuxin Municipal Comprehensive Transportation Law Enforcement Team issued a notice that same day, pledging to remove vehicles on the Didi platform without ride-hailing licenses by November 26. Just three days later, over 2,000 taxis in Songyuan, Jilin Province, also launched a strike due to similar survival pressures.

According to statistics from the “Yesterday” project, more than ten taxi strikes have occurred across the three northeastern provinces since the beginning of 2025. Behind this frequent unrest, beyond the rise of private cars and market disruptions from ride-hailing and bike-sharing platforms, deeper causes lie in the local sluggish economic environment and the oversaturated taxi market. In Fuxin, Liaoning, for instance, the city has a population of about 1.6 million and a GDP of just 65 billion yuan in 2024, yet it hosts over 3,000 taxis—equivalent to one taxi per 533 residents. This per-capita taxi density far exceeds that of typical third- or fourth-tier cities and is comparable to Beijing or Shanghai.

The large number of taxis stems partly from Fuxin being a resource-exhausted city. After many mining companies closed, laid-off workers flocked to the taxi industry, which has a relatively low entry threshold, to make a living. At the same time, local authorities, seeking fiscal revenue, had previously issued excessive taxi licenses. In an already oversaturated market, any external unlicensed transport—such as “black taxis”—can become the final straw that crushes drivers’ livelihoods, triggering strikes.

Why do drivers not change careers despite the industry’s decline? The reason lies in the high cost of taxi licenses and vehicles, often tens of thousands of yuan, which is difficult to recover in the current market. Moreover, due to age and skill limitations, many drivers have few alternative means of livelihood beyond driving. Although they are aware this is a “sunset industry,” under the combined pressures of economic hardship and limited employment options, they can only persist with great difficulty, ultimately falling into a survival crisis.

「云贵高原反强制火葬运动以及当下集体抗争态势（2025.11.25）」在中国西南的云贵高原，由农民自发组织的“反强制火葬运动”已持续近一个月，并呈现除进一步扩散的趋势。11月25日，云南昭通镇雄县与贵州贵阳息烽县分别出现数以千计的村民聚集事件，公开抗议地方当局推进的强制火化政策。

在云南昭通镇雄县中屯镇青山村，继本月初发生上千村民强行突破政府人员阻拦，护送逝者土葬的事件后。本周二，上千村民再次集结，为另一名逝去的老人举行土葬仪式。与月初不同的是，此次当地政府甚至未敢派出人员阻拦。村民们一路高喊“坚决不火葬”口号，顺利完成了仪式。

在贵州贵阳息烽县石垌镇木杉村，村民为防止政府进村“抢尸”强制火化，自14天前便开始集体驻守在墓地周围。随着事件在网络扩散，村民们的行动引发了强烈关注，不仅石垌镇18个村均有村民到场抗议，邻近乡镇，甚至附近县市的民众也陆续赶到现场声援。周二当天，现场人数一度达到约2000人。直至当晚，仍有上千人在现场坚守，形成了近年来罕见的能持续十余日的大规模集体抗争行动。而就在几天前，离木杉村仅数公里的石垌镇水头村村民，甚至还包围了要求交出死者遗体的息烽县副县长强勇，并最终逼退官方人员。

近年来，仍能形成一定规模的群体性事件，主要集中在中小城市和广大农村地区。蒲城、宁陵、江油等大规模抗争发生于县城或县级市；而杨大召、张宝山、安龙、琼中等事件，以及此次云贵高原的反强制火葬运动，则集中在农村。这种空间分布与“白纸运动”之后的社会环境密切相关。在大城市，中共依托大数据监控体系、强化社会管控，并持续加大维稳投入，使得大规模集体行动几乎绝迹；但在地域广阔、人口分散的农村地区，当局难以投入同等强度的维稳资源与监控密度，因而成了群体抗争事件高发区。同时，相较于深度嵌入体制或依赖城市体系生活的市民阶层，农民受制度约束相对较弱，在核心利益受到侵害时，抗争意志往往更为坚决。加之农村地区仍保留一定的宗族结构，社区内部的组织力和动员力相对更强。另外，随着智能手机、私家车等的普及，农村社会的互联性显著提升，加速了事件的跨区域扩散，这一点在近些年的大规模群体抗争事件中表现明显。

随着经济的持续下行，大量农民将不得不返回农村，他们不仅带回了失业的焦虑和生存的压力，也带回了更广阔的视野和维权意识。预计在未来几年，农村地区以及小型城市的集体抗争事件将会持续高发。中共最近提出的“防止规模性返乡”口号，恰恰反映了他们对这一风险的焦虑。

“Anti–Forced Cremation Movement on the Yunnan–Guizhou Plateau and the Current Landscape of Collective Resistance (Nov. 25, 2025)”

On the Yunnan–Guizhou Plateau in southwest China, a farmer-led “anti–forced cremation movement” has been ongoing for nearly a month, and is showing signs of further escalation. On November 25, thousands of villagers gathered separately in Zhenxiong County of Zhaotong, Yunnan, and Xifeng County of Guiyang, Guizhou, to openly protest local authorities’ push for mandatory cremation policies.

In Qingshan Village of Zhongtun Town, Zhenxiong County, Yunnan, more than a thousand villagers clashed with authorities earlier this month as they forced their way through official blockades to bury a deceased villager according to traditional customs. On Tuesday, over a thousand villagers assembled again to hold another burial ceremony for an elderly resident. Unlike the incident earlier this month, local officials did not even attempt to intervene. Villagers marched while chanting “We firmly oppose cremation” and completed the ceremony without obstruction.

In Mushan Village of Shidong Town, Xifeng County, Guizhou, villagers have been guarding the cemetery around the clock for 14 consecutive days to prevent the government from entering the village to “seize bodies” for forced cremation. As videos of the standoff circulated online, the action drew widespread attention. Villagers from all 18 villages in Shidong Town, as well as residents from nearby towns and even neighboring counties and cities, flocked to the site in support. On Tuesday, the crowd at one point reached roughly 2,000 people. By that evening, over a thousand villagers were still holding their ground—making it one of the rare large-scale collective actions in recent years capable of sustaining itself for more than ten days. Just days earlier, in Shuitou Village only a few kilometers away, villagers even surrounded Xifeng County’s deputy magistrate, Qiang Yong, demanding that he return a deceased villager’s body, ultimately forcing officials to retreat.

In recent years, the limited number of collective actions that still manage to reach significant scale have been concentrated mainly in small and medium-sized cities as well as rural areas. Large protests in Pucheng, Ningling, and Jiangyou occurred in county seats or county-level cities; while incidents such as Yang Dazhao, Zhang Baoshan, Anlong, Qiongzhong—and now the anti-cremation movement on the Yunnan–Guizhou Plateau—have all erupted in rural regions. This spatial distribution is closely related to the social environment shaped after the “White Paper Movement.” In major cities, the CCP increasingly relies on extensive data-driven surveillance systems, strengthened social control, and expanding stability-maintenance budgets, making large-scale collective actions almost impossible. In contrast, rural areas—with vast territories and dispersed populations—are far more difficult for the state to monitor and police with equal intensity, thus becoming hotspots for collective resistance. Moreover, compared to urban residents who are deeply embedded in institutional structures, farmers face fewer systemic constraints and often show stronger resolve when core interests are infringed upon. Rural communities also retain certain clan-based networks, giving them stronger internal organization and mobilization capacity. Additionally, with the spread of smartphones and private vehicles, rural society has become far more interconnected, accelerating cross-regional information flow—something increasingly visible in major collective actions in recent years.

As China’s economic downturn continues, large numbers of migrant workers are expected to return to their home villages. They will bring back not only unemployment pressures and livelihood anxieties, but also broader perspectives and heightened rights-awareness. As a result, collective protests in rural regions and smaller cities are expected to remain frequent in the coming years. The CCP’s recent slogan calling to “prevent large-scale return migration” is itself a reflection of the authorities’ growing anxiety over this risk.