从除夕到初一（2月16至17日），仅在江苏扬州高邮一地，就有三家服装厂的工人还在讨要自己的工资。分别是舜邦服饰、天宇服饰以及咪咪服饰。
From Lunar New Year’s Eve to the first day of the Lunar New Year (February 16–17), in just one place — Gaoyou in Yangzhou, Jiangsu — workers from three garment factories were still demanding their unpaid wages. The factories are Shunbang Garments, Tianyu Garments, and Mimi Garments.
2月13日，数十名被拆迁户堵塞了河北唐山迁西县政府门口的公路交通，要求中共支付拖欠的拆迁补偿金。
On February 13, dozens of displaced residents blocked the road in front of the Qianxi County government in Tangshan, Hebei Province, demanding that the Chinese Communist Party pay the overdue demolition compensation.
2月12日，山东威海，芜湖船厂不但三个月不发工资，还找来警察暴力驱逐讨薪工人，抓走多人。
February 12, Weihai, Shandong — Wuhu Shipyard not only failed to pay wages for three months, but also called in police to forcibly disperse workers demanding their pay, with several people taken away.
2月11日至12日，由于长期被拖欠工资，吉林长春宽城区兰家镇环卫工人连续两天罢工。
February 11–12: Sanitation workers in Lanjia Town, Kuancheng District, Changchun, Jilin Province went on strike for two consecutive days due to long-term wage arrears.
2月11日，陕西西安集贤比亚迪，一名工人跳楼去世后，讨说法的家属连续第六天被比亚迪用人墙阻拦在工厂外。
February 11, at BYD Jixian in Xi’an, Shaanxi Province: after a worker died by jumping from a building, the worker’s family members seeking an explanation were blocked outside the factory for the sixth consecutive day by a human barricade formed by BYD staff.
「海南临高：贪官落马喜悦未散，村民再遭暴力镇压（2026.02.01）」2026年2月1日，海南省临高县大雅村爆发激烈的警民冲突。就在村民们还在为一名官员的落马而庆幸时，新一轮的暴力已导致多名村民受伤入院。
据村民透露，因不满当地政府长期强拆、贪腐以及选举不公，积怨已久的村民当天在大雅村村委会门口维权，并拦截了一辆政府车辆讨要说法。随后，当局迅速调集大批警察、特警及政府工作人员赶赴现场，瞬间引发冲突。
冲突中，警察以及政府人员不仅使用辣椒水喷射村民，还挥舞棍棒对示威人群进行殴打。混乱中，村民被迫拿起泥土、砖石进行还击。视频显示，冲突过后，现场一片狼藉，多名村民倒地不起，伤势较重者随后被紧急送往医院救治。
对于大雅村村民而言，这样的暴力场景并不罕见。过去数年来，临高当地政府以“开发建设”为名，在大肆推进征地拆迁的过程中与民争利，引发了多次冲突。就在2025年11月，美雅村的一座寺庙也未能幸免，惨遭强拆，引发极大民愤。
极为讽刺的是，就在2月1日冲突爆发的十多天前，村民还洋溢在喜悦之中。2026年1月17日至19日，因原临高县委书记涉嫌严重贪腐被抓，备受压迫的村民们曾连续数日在村委门口燃放鞭炮、举行游行，庆祝这个曾经的“罪魁祸首”的倒台，以为正义已至。然而，仅仅过了不到半个月，国家机器就再次给了他们一记重击。这一记铁拳，击伤的不仅是村民的身体，更是他们对法治与公正仅存的最后一点幻想。压迫他们的从来不只是某一个具体的官员，而是整个政权。
Lingao, Hainan: Joy Over a Corrupt Official’s Fall Fades as Villagers Face Violent Crackdown Again (2026.02.01)
On February 1, 2026, a fierce confrontation between police and civilians erupted in Daya Village, Lingao County, Hainan Province. Just as villagers were still celebrating the downfall of a local official, a new round of violence left multiple residents injured and hospitalized.
According to villagers, long-standing grievances over forced demolitions, corruption, and unfair local elections prompted residents to gather at the Daya Village committee office that day to defend their rights. They blocked a government vehicle and demanded answers. Authorities quickly dispatched large numbers of police officers, special police, and government personnel to the scene, triggering an immediate clash.
During the confrontation, police and government staff not only sprayed villagers with pepper spray but also beat demonstrators with batons. Amid the chaos, villagers were forced to pick up dirt and bricks to fend off the attacks. Video footage shows the aftermath: the site left in disarray, with several villagers lying on the ground. Those seriously injured were rushed to hospital for emergency treatment.
For residents of Daya Village, such scenes are far from rare. Over the past several years, the Lingao local government has aggressively pushed land seizures and demolitions under the banner of “development and construction,” repeatedly clashing with villagers while competing for their land and interests. As recently as November 2025, a temple in neighboring Meiya Village was forcibly demolished, sparking widespread public outrage.
The irony is stark. More than ten days before the February 1 clash, villagers were still immersed in celebration. From January 17 to 19, 2026, after the former Lingao county party secretary was detained on suspicion of serious corruption, long-oppressed residents set off firecrackers and staged marches outside the village committee office for several consecutive days. They celebrated the fall of what they saw as a former “chief culprit,” believing that justice had finally arrived. Yet less than half a month later, the machinery of the state struck again. This blow injured not only the villagers’ bodies, but also shattered what little hope they had left in the rule of law and justice. What oppresses them, it seems, has never been just a single official, but the system itself.
2月3日，上百名民代幼教师在浙江省教育厅集会，高喊口号要求共产党解决老无所养问题。
February 3 — Hundreds of substitute kindergarten teachers gathered at the Zhejiang Provincial Department of Education, chanting slogans and calling on the Communist Party to address the issue of lacking support in old age.
「西安比亚迪工人罢工抗议被降薪（2026.02.05）」2月5日，比亚迪位于陕西西安高新区集贤工业园的高压电气工厂工人集体罢工，抗议比亚迪压低记件奖。据工人透露，在比亚迪的不断压缩下，计件奖已由原来的最高每月2400降至目前的300到600元，导致很多工人的月薪在扣除五险一金后，已不足2000元。
“Xi’an BYD Workers Go on Strike to Protest Pay Cuts (2026.02.05)”
On February 5, workers at BYD’s high-voltage electrical equipment factory located in the Jixian Industrial Park of the Xi’an High-tech Zone, Shaanxi Province, went on a collective strike to protest cuts to piece-rate bonuses.
According to workers, under BYD’s continued cost-cutting, the piece-rate bonus has been reduced from a previous maximum of 2,400 yuan per month to just 300–600 yuan. As a result, after deductions for social insurance and housing fund contributions, many workers’ monthly take-home pay has fallen to less than 2,000 yuan.
2月1日晚，山东省德州市，一场震惊全网的学生“起义”在暗夜中爆发。当晚，德州环帝祥龙素质教育基地内，长期维系的高压秩序被打破。没有整齐划一的口号，取而代之的是玻璃破碎的脆响与少年们积压已久的怒火。长期饱受压迫的学生们突破了封锁，砸毁了象征囚禁的宿舍门窗。而平日里手持棍棒、对学生颐指气使的教官们，在真正的反抗面前，竟集体溃散，落荒而逃。
公开资料显示，涉事机构“环帝祥龙素质教育基地”隶属于山东环帝锦辉教育管理有限公司。 该机构对外标榜为聚焦青少年成长问题的正规化培训基地，实则是一家典型的“戒网瘾”及行为矫正学校。这类机构在中国长期存在，普遍以军事化、封闭式、惩罚性管理著称。据悉，该校规模约二三百人，分为一到三部。此次爆发抗议的正是管理最为严苛的“三部”。据知情者透露，校内教官多为两年义务兵退役人员，管理手段极度严酷，甚至心理扭曲，体罚已成常态。学生犯错后被棍棒殴打，关禁闭已屡见不鲜，且校内住宿简陋，饮食条件极为恶劣。
反抗的种子早已埋下，而导火索是教官再一次对学生实施了殴打。 据悉，行动由一名“学生助教”发起。愤怒的学生们砸毁了门窗及大量宿舍设施，并一度与教官发生激烈肢体冲突，有学生在冲突中受伤。事态失控后，教官群体集体逃离了学校，一些学生也离开了营地。之后，警察介入并封锁了学校。
长期以来，此类学校始终游走在教育、培训与心理干预的监管灰色地带。 它们以“为孩子好”为名，利用封闭、恐惧和绝对服从来建立秩序，却极少能真正解决青少年的心理问题。将孩子送进此类机构，往往是部分家庭在教育失败后的甩锅式选择：父母不愿面对亲子关系的裂痕，不愿处理陪伴缺失与深层心理需求，便企图将问题交付给一套简单粗暴的“改造系统”来解决。
在这类高墙之内，悲剧层出不穷，德州少年的怒火，实则由无数历史悲剧的血泪铺就。 从2009年的邓森山，到2014年的玲玲，再到2017年的李傲；从臭名昭著的豫章书院，到河南雅圣思、安徽正能……德州环帝学校的这场暴动，不是一群暴徒的狂欢，而是无数个“李傲”和“玲玲”在绝境中发出的求生嘶吼。
Student “Uprising” Erupts in Dezhou, Shandong: Dorms Trashed, Instructors Flee in Panic (February 1, 2026)
On the night of February 1st, a student “uprising” that sent shockwaves across the internet erupted under the cover of darkness in Dezhou, Shandong Province. That night, inside the Dezhou Huandi Xianglong Quality Education Base, the long-maintained order of oppression was shattered. There were no uniform slogans; instead, the air was filled with the crisp sound of shattering glass and the long-suppressed fury of the youths. Students, who had long endured oppression, broke through the blockade and smashed the dormitory doors and windows that symbolized their imprisonment. Meanwhile, the instructors—who usually brandished batons and lorded over the students—collectively crumbled and fled in panic when faced with genuine resistance.
Public records indicate that the institution involved, “Huandi Xianglong Quality Education Base,” is a subsidiary of Shandong Huandi Jinhui Education Management Co., Ltd. While the institution markets itself as a professional training base focused on youth development issues, it is, in reality, a typical “internet addiction treatment” and behavior correction school. Institutions of this nature have long existed in China, notorious for their militarized, enclosed, and punitive management styles. It is reported that the school houses approximately 200 to 300 students, divided into three sections. The protest erupted in “Section 3,” known for having the harshest management. According to insiders, most of the instructors are retired two-year conscripts who employ extremely harsh management tactics. Some are described as psychologically twisted, and corporal punishment has become the norm. It is common occurrence for students to be beaten with batons or placed in solitary confinement for minor infractions. Furthermore, the living conditions are squalid, and the food is appalling.
The seeds of resistance had been sown long ago, but the spark that lit the fuse was yet another instance of an instructor beating a student. Reports suggest the action was initiated by a “student assistant.” Enraged students smashed doors, windows, and extensive dormitory facilities, engaging in violent physical clashes with the instructors. Some students were injured during the conflict. After the situation spiraled out of control, the instructors fled the school en masse, and some students also left the camp. Subsequently, police intervened and cordoned off the school.
For a long time, such schools have operated in a regulatory gray area between education, training, and psychological intervention. Under the guise of “doing it for the child’s own good,” they establish order through confinement, fear, and absolute obedience, yet rarely solve the adolescents’ underlying psychological issues. Sending children to such institutions is often a way for some families to “pass the buck” following perceived educational failures: unwilling to face the fractures in the parent-child relationship or address the lack of companionship and deep psychological needs, parents attempt to outsource the problem to a crude and simplistic “reform system” for a solution.
Within these high walls, tragedies are endless. The fury of the Dezhou youths is paved with the blood and tears of countless historical tragedies. From Deng Senshan in 2009, to Lingling in 2014, and Li Ao in 2017; from the notorious Yuzhang Academy to Henan Yashengsi and Anhui Zhengneng… The riot at Dezhou Huandi School was not the frenzy of a mob, but the desperate roar for survival from countless “Li Aos” and “Linglings” trapped in a hopeless situation.
2月1日至3日，由于长期被拖欠工资，新疆吐鲁番鄯善县合盛硅业工人罢工。公开资料显示，合盛硅业在新疆的四个生产基地有员工超过 11,000 人，其中近 60% 是当地的少数民族员工（主要是维吾尔族）。
From February 1 to 3, workers at Hoshine Silicon in Shanshan County, Turpan, Xinjiang, went on strike due to long-term wage arrears. Public information shows that Hoshine Silicon’s four production bases in Xinjiang employ more than 11,000 workers, nearly 60% of whom are local ethnic minority employees (mainly Uyghurs).