On September 7, in Tongyou Village, Pingtang Town, Luoding City, Guangdong, the local government, without reaching an agreement with the villagers or offering compensation, deployed a large number of personnel to forcibly seize land for the construction of the Shen-Nan High-Speed Railway.
On September 3, at Deya Senior High School in Jingyuan County, Baiyin, Gansu, a student named Song Chengcheng, who had long been subjected to bullying by dormitory roommates, was beaten to death at school after just 20 days of enrollment. After the incident, the family sought an explanation from the school but to no avail, and all related information posted online was deleted. (Compiled from submissions)
[Strike by Over a Thousand Workers at Hong Kong-Invested Appliance Factory in Shenzhen Over Unpaid Wages]
On September 5, more than a thousand workers at Shenzhen Yintu Electric Co., Ltd. went on strike to protest the company’s failure to pay wages and social insurance. That afternoon, the company reached an agreement with the workers, and the strike ended.
Subsequently, Yintu issued a statement saying that unstable overseas orders had led to financial difficulties, forcing it to delay wage payments. According to the agreement, Yintu will pay the delayed wages for July on September 15, but made no mention of the already overdue August wages or social insurance.
Public records show that Yintu Electric (Shenzhen) Co., Ltd. is a subsidiary of Hong Kong Yintu Industrial Co., Ltd., established in 1987, with a peak workforce of around 4,000 employees.
A fine arts and calligraphy training institution, Jin Yihui, located inside Aeon Mall in Wuzhong District, Suzhou, Jiangsu, recently absconded with funds. On September 6, hundreds of parents gathered at Aeon Mall demanding refunds.
On the evening of September 3, in Qingshan District, Wuhan, Hubei, the local government forcibly demolished the Industrial Fourth Road Hardware and Electrical Market, deploying a large number of government personnel, police, and security guards, even though the merchants’ contracts had not expired and no compensation had been provided to them.
On September 4, at the Qingyuan Education Bureau in Guangdong, students defending their rights played poker to pass the time. According to the parents of these students, they had moved into Shatian Village in Qingyuan 25 years ago, and their children had always been treated the same as the local children of Shatian Village, studying together at Shatian Primary School. However, after this year’s transition to middle school, the children of Shatian Village were able to attend the nearby Songgang Middle School, while their children, because they hold rural household registrations from outside the area, were assigned to a school 50 kilometers away.
Between September 3 and 4, three incidents of petitioners being intercepted took place on the streets of Beijing, two of which involved the participation of police officers.
“Mass Closures of Rural Schools in Five Southern Provinces Force ‘Left-Behind Children’ to Become Petitioners” September is normally the start of the new school term in China. But in rural areas across Guangdong and four other southern provinces, many “left-behind children” now face the predicament of having no school to attend. They have been forced onto the streets to demand their basic right to education—young primary school students, once innocent and carefree, are now compelled to become “petitioners” and “rights defenders.” On September 2, at the gate of the Xiapozi branch of Xialu Primary School in Hengshan Town, Lianjiang, Guangdong, a group of children gathered and shouted “I want to go to school!” in protest at the school’s closure. Similar scenes have recently been repeated outside fourteen rural schools in Guangdong, Yunnan, Guizhou, Guangxi, and Fujian. Some children have even followed their parents to local government or education bureaus to seek redress, experiencing hardship at an age when they should only be focused on learning. In recent years, as China’s birth rate has continued to decline, rural primary schools have faced a severe drop in enrollment. Under the banner of “optimizing resource allocation,” education authorities have carried out large-scale school mergers, transferring students to bigger but more distant schools. Officially, this is framed as a reasonable educational reform. But for rural left-behind children—most of whom are raised by elderly grandparents while their parents work far away—it has made them the victims of policy. With neighborhood schools shuttered, these children must now walk several kilometers to reach more distant schools. Local governments have not provided school bus services, which not only heightens traffic safety risks for the children but also places a heavy burden on their elderly caretakers. Ironically, even if migrant workers bring their children to the cities, they face another set of challenges. Urban schooling usually requires home ownership, yet soaring housing prices put this out of reach for most rural families. Even when parents manage to buy property, their rural household registration often exposes their children to discrimination in the urban education system. Difficulties in accessing education in the countryside, coupled with barriers in the cities, mean that some children risk dropping out altogether. To defend their children’s right to education, many parents have posted protest videos and articles on social media seeking help. Yet these legitimate appeals, which deserve public attention, are often swiftly censored or deleted. This “invisible” struggle has left many parents in despair. In the logic of school mergers, children are reduced to mere numbers in a spreadsheet; the survival of a school is measured only in terms of cost and efficiency. But for rural families, those classrooms are the sole hope for their children’s education. Today, with large numbers of left-behind children standing at school gates shouting “I want to go to school,” the scene not only reveals the deep imbalance in educational resources, but also shows how, beneath the urban-rural divide and systemic barriers, the most vulnerable are forced to bear heavy costs from early childhood.
Schools closed and triggering protests include: •Xianrendong Primary School, Xianrendong Village, Shenzhen Town, Gaozhou, Guangdong •Tanggong Village Primary School, Heliao Town, Lianjiang, Guangdong •Xiapozi Branch, Xialu Primary School, Hengshan Town, Lianjiang, Guangdong •Huangzhujian Primary School, Qingping Town, Lianjiang, Guangdong •Yilutang Primary School, Xinmin Town, Lianjiang, Guangdong •Hengdong Primary School, Luoping Town, Luoding, Guangdong •Huangjiaping Primary School, Zhaxi Town, Weixin County, Zhaotong, Yunnan •Shucao Primary School, Shucaoping Village, Luowang Miao Township, Yiliang County, Zhaotong, Yunnan •Dashuijing Primary School, Luokan Town, Zhenxiong County, Zhaotong, Yunnan •Huilong Primary School, Piaojing Town, Dafang County, Bijie, Guizhou •Niuchang Primary School, Mashan Town, Wangmo, Guizhou •Sixian Branch, Xindi Town, Longxu District, Wuzhou, Guangxi •Wenjing Village Primary School, Zhongxian Township, Youxi County, Sanming, Fujian
On September 3 in Beijing, just 3.3 kilometers away from Tiananmen, the site of the CCP’s “9.3” military parade, the State Bureau for Letters and Calls was still packed with crowds