最新抗争事件

中共退伍军人被用完即弃:云南老兵跪行求补贴(2025.11.1-10)

「中共退伍军人被用完即弃:云南老兵跪行求补贴(2025.11.1-10)」近日,一段来自云南曲靖陆良县的视频,在网上引发关注。画面里,一位参加过对越作战的支前民兵,为了争取每月不到一千块的微薄补贴,不得不在政府人员和保安面前下跪爬行。他们曾被中共宣传为“最可爱的人”,

如今却沦落到需要为了不足千元的补贴,放下尊严跪地爬行。

据悉,这批于11月1日前往当地政府维权的老兵,是1987年在中共动员下,经过短暂集训后即被送往中越战争前线的陆良县支前民兵。他们承受着与正规士兵同样的生命危险,在枪林弹雨中搬运弹药与武器。在炮火轰鸣中昼夜不停地抢修工事。他们与正规部队同吃同住,共同忍受恶劣环境,他们中有多人曾负伤,更有不少人阵亡在越战前线。然而,战争结束后,他们却面临着不公的待遇。同期的正规退伍军人如今每月能领到近千元的补贴,但这批支前民兵却被排除在外,生活贫困,老无所养。

越战支前民兵的遭遇,也是所有中国老兵普遍面临的困境。多年来,由于安置政策长期未落实导致生活困难等原因,老兵维权事件屡见不鲜,更有老兵被迫走上公开乞讨的道路。就在2025年9月3日,中共大阅兵当天,数十名三级以上退伍士官在红河州政府前静坐,抗议当局长期未落实安置政策,导致他们生活陷入困境。在国家信访局前,老兵的身影也与其他访民一样随处可见,他们同样长期遭受“截访”,甚至被关入“黑监狱”。9月7日,数名前往北京上访的山西吕梁退伍老兵,刚下火车就被一群便衣警察拦截在车站。几天前的11月10日,上百名老兵曾集体前往湖南衡阳市政府,要求当地政府落实退伍安置政策。更令人震惊的是,江苏无锡退伍军人沈爱斌,仅因坚持公义、帮助弱者维权、维护自身合法权益,竟多次遭到殴打和酷刑,甚至被反复判刑,长期关押。

这些事件清晰地表明,无论是在前线扛枪运弹的民兵,还是具有军衔的退伍士官,只要不再符合中共的需要,随时都可能被推向社会的边缘。“一人当兵,全家光荣”是征兵时热血沸腾的口号。然而,当他们从战场或军营归来,面对的往往是“一日当兵,终生贫困”的现实。现在,这个老兵们曾经用生命捍卫的政权,正在用冰冷的政策和无情的维稳机器回应他们的忠诚和牺牲。

Chinese Communist Veterans Discarded After Use: Yunnan Soldier Crawls for Subsidy (Nov 1–10, 2025)

Recently, a video from Luliang County, Qujing, Yunnan, has attracted attention online. In it, a militia veteran who fought in the Sino-Vietnamese War is seen kneeling and crawling before government staff and security guards, just to claim a meager monthly subsidy of less than 1,000 yuan.Once hailed by the CCP as “the most lovable people,” these veterans now have to humiliate themselves for a tiny allowance.

These veterans went to the local government on November 1 to demand their rights. They were mobilized by the CCP in 1987, given brief training, and sent to the Sino-Vietnamese front lines. They faced the same life-threatening dangers as regular soldiers, transporting ammunition under fire and repairing fortifications day and night. They ate, lived, and endured harsh conditions alongside the army. Many were injured, and some died on the battlefield.

Yet after the war, they were denied justice. While regular veterans now receive nearly 1,000 yuan per month, these militia veterans are excluded, living in poverty with no support in old age.

The plight of these Sino-Vietnamese War militia veterans reflects the broader struggles of Chinese veterans. Over the years, unresolved policies and hardship have led many veterans to protest repeatedly—and some have even been forced to beg publicly. On September 3, 2025, during the CCP’s grand military parade, dozens of senior veterans staged a sit-in at the Honghe prefecture government, protesting the lack of proper resettlement policies.

Veterans are also a familiar sight outside the National Petition Bureau, where they face “interception,” harassment, and even detention in “black jails.” On September 7, veterans from Luliang, Shanxi, were stopped by plainclothes police just after arriving in Beijing to petition. A few days later, on November 10, over a hundred veterans went to Hengyang, Hunan, demanding local authorities implement resettlement policies.

Even more shocking, in Wuxi, Jiangsu, veteran Shen Aibin—who stood up for justice, helped the weak, and defended his rights—was repeatedly beaten, tortured, and sentenced multiple times, spending years in prison.

These events make it clear: whether militia on the front lines or commissioned veterans, once they no longer serve the CCP’s needs, they can be pushed to society’s margins.

The slogan “One serves, the whole family is honored” inspires recruits with patriotism. But when soldiers return from the battlefield or the barracks, many face “one day in the army, a lifetime in poverty.” Now, the regime these veterans defended with their lives responds with cold policies and ruthless enforcement.

港资银图电器广东、江西工厂工人罢工讨要工资社保(2025.11.03-13)

「港资银图电器广东、江西工厂工人罢工讨要工资社保(2025.11.03-13)」香港银图电器深圳工厂的数百工人于本周四(11月13日)再次停工,抗议公司欠缴社保。这是继九月份后,该厂工人再度发起罢工行动。据工人透露,银图电器长期存在欠薪和欠缴社保问题,工人几乎每月都需通过罢工才能拿到工资和社保,此次行动则直接源于公司连续两个月未缴纳社保。现场视频显示,约有200名工人聚集并堵塞了厂区大门。

与此同时,基于同样的原因,银图电器江西吉安工厂的三百名工人也自11月3日起开始罢工,要求发放被拖欠的工资并补缴社保。截至11月10日,该罢工行动仍在持续。在工人的压力之下,公司已在当日作出承诺:将于11月14日全额补发九月份工资。至于欠缴的社保,初步计划改为每月月底补缴一次。

公开资料显示,银图电器隶属于香港银图实业有限公司。在中国共有三家工厂,分别位于广东深圳、广东江门以及江西吉安。

“Hong Kong-Funded Yintu Electric Workers in Guangdong and Jiangxi Strike for Unpaid Wages and Social Insurance (Nov 3–13, 2025)”

Hundreds of workers at the Hong Kong–funded Yintu Electric factory in Shenzhen went on strike again this Thursday (November 13) to protest the company’s failure to pay social insurance contributions. This is the second strike since September. According to workers, Yintu Electric has long suffered from wage arrears and unpaid social insurance, and employees must resort to striking almost every month just to receive their wages and benefits. The latest action was triggered by the company’s failure to pay social insurance for two consecutive months. Videos from the scene show around 200 workers gathering and blocking the factory gate.

Meanwhile, for the same reasons, 300 workers at Yintu Electric’s factory in Ji’an, Jiangxi also launched a strike on November 3, demanding overdue wages and the settlement of unpaid social insurance. As of November 10, the strike was still ongoing. Under pressure from the workers, the company made a promise on that day: it would fully pay the outstanding wages for September on November 14. As for the unpaid social insurance, the initial plan is to make supplementary payments at the end of each month.

Public information shows that Yintu Electric is a subsidiary of Hong Kong Yintu Industrial Co., Ltd. It operates three factories in China—located in Shenzhen (Guangdong), Jiangmen (Guangdong), and Ji’an (Jiangxi).

广东怀集村民与强征队发生激烈冲突(2025.11.12)

「广东怀集村民与强征队发生激烈冲突(2025.11.12)」本周三(11月12日),广东省肇庆市怀集县冷坑镇桐光村的村民,因为一块被村委私自转卖的集体土地,与强征人员从白天一直对峙到深夜,期间,双方多次发生冲突。

据村民透露,被私自卖出的土地将用于修建一条公路,相关款项已被私吞,村民直到该公路开始施工后才发现土地被卖。更令村民愤怒和担忧的是,这条公路建成后,将服务于一家在建的大型养猪场。村民们担心,该养猪场一旦建成投产,其产生的臭水和臭气将对桐光村的环境造成严重污染,届时桐光村将不再适宜居住。

出于对生存环境的担忧和对土地被强占的愤怒,桐光村村民于今年8月发起维权行动,阻止施工。10月17日,村民曾拦截了多辆施工车辆,并与进村试图强行开走车辆的人员发生冲突。在村民的坚守下,该工程至今处于停工状态。

11月12日,当地政府再次出动大量人员进村,意图强行动工。据目击者称,当天共有三辆满载强征人员的大巴车以及两辆救护车进入桐光村。强征人员到达现场后,手持盾牌组成人墙,以阻止村民靠近施工地点。村民闻讯后燃放烟花示警,呼唤更多村民前来支援。双方随后发生冲突,村民搭建的维权帐篷被拆毁,一名女性村民受伤。愤怒的村民一度向强征人员投掷泥土抗议。尽管村民多为妇女和老人,但他们仍坚持与强征队对峙至深夜,期间,双方再次发生冲突。之后,当地政府又调集大量警察进村,试图以武力平息抗议。

村民表示,由于人数悬殊,他们未能有效阻止施工,但誓言将继续守护家园。一位村民在社交媒体上发布信息称,她将每日更新维权信息,“如果哪天我们不再发声,可能就是被抓了。”

“Guangdong Huaiji Villagers Clash Fiercely with Forced Land Expropriation Team (Nov 12, 2025)”

On Wednesday, November 12, villagers in Tongguang Village, Lengkeng Town, Huaiji County, Zhaoqing City, Guangdong Province, clashed with a land expropriation team over a piece of collectively owned land that had been secretly sold by the village committee. The standoff lasted from day to night, with multiple clashes breaking out during the confrontation.

According to villagers, the land was secretly sold for the construction of a new road, and the payment had already been embezzled. Villagers only discovered the sale when road construction began. What angered and worried them even more was that the road would serve a large pig farm being built nearby. Villagers fear that once the farm begins operation, the wastewater and foul odor it produces will severely pollute the environment, making Tongguang Village uninhabitable.

Out of concern for their living environment and anger over the land seizure, the villagers launched a protest in August to block the project. On October 17, they intercepted several construction vehicles and clashed with personnel who tried to drive them away. Thanks to the villagers’ persistence, the construction has remained suspended since then.

On November 12, the local government once again sent a large number of personnel into the village to forcibly resume construction. Witnesses said that three buses filled with expropriation workers and two ambulances entered Tongguang Village that day. The workers, carrying shields, formed a human wall to prevent villagers from approaching the site.

Villagers set off fireworks to sound the alarm and called for more people to come and help. Clashes soon erupted. The villagers’ protest tents were torn down, and a female villager was injured. In anger, some villagers threw dirt toward the expropriation team. Although most protesters were women and elderly people, they continued confronting the team until late at night, during which more clashes broke out. Later, the local government deployed large numbers of police to the village in an attempt to suppress the protest by force.

Villagers said they were outnumbered and could not stop the construction, but vowed to continue defending their homeland. One villager posted on social media:

“I’ll keep posting updates about our protest. If one day you no longer see our voices online, it probably means we’ve been taken away.”

政府牵头成立借贷公司卷走11亿,投资者讨款遭镇压(2025.11.10)

「政府牵头成立借贷公司卷走11亿,投资者讨款遭镇压(2025.11.10)」陕西韩城市“民间借贷登记服务中心”爆雷事件持续发酵。本周一(11月10日),数百名投资者再次聚集在韩城市政府门前,要求归还他们的投资资金,总额高达 11亿元人民币。然而,这场和平请愿很快便遭到警察镇压,现场多名投资者被暴力对待,10人被当场抓走,直至当晚7点才被释放。

“政府背书”的骗局:从金融创新到集体陷阱

韩城市民间借贷登记服务中心成立于2014年6月,被定位为引导民间资本“阳光化”“规范化”的金融创新平台。它并非普通企业,而是由韩城市政府主导设立、并由时任市长张建中亲任领导小组组长,两名副市长及公安、财政、法院、金融办等十余个部门负责人担任副组长或成员。

在地方媒体和政府文件的共同宣传下,这一机构被塑造成官方金融改革的典范。《韩城日报》曾称其“为民众提供无风险、收益高的理财渠道”,并报道村民将孩子学费、养老钱投入其中的故事。政府还宣称其“无一例不良贷款”。

在这种高规格背书和宣传下,该中心推出的月收益8%的融资方案,吸引了大量市民投资。许多投资人是退休老人、小商贩或农民,他们深信“政府监管、风险可控”,甚至卖房、动用养老钱投入其中。

然而,这场被政府称为“金融创新”的实验最终演变成一场集体灾难。2025年9月下旬,韩城市民间借贷登记中心突然爆出资金链断裂的消息,随后彻底崩盘。据统计,受害者多达2200人,涉及资金约11亿元人民币。

政府既是玩家,又是裁判

事发后,韩城市政府曾宣布“接管”该中心,并承诺“出台解决方案”,但时至今日并无实际行动。在无法兑现承诺后,又恼羞成怒,对投资者进行武力镇压。

在这起事件中,韩城政府扮演的角色,在短时间内由始作俑者,迅速转换成了“秩序的维护者”。虽然类似事件早已屡见不鲜,但如此明目张胆并不多见。当政府既是玩家,又是裁判时,民众便成了唯一牺牲品。

“Government-backed lending firm embezzles 1.1 billion yuan, investors suppressed (Nov 10, 2025)”

The collapse of the “Private Lending Registration Service Center” in Hancheng, Shaanxi, continues to unfold. On Monday, November 10, hundreds of investors gathered again in front of the Hancheng city government, demanding the return of their investments totaling 1.1 billion yuan. The peaceful protest was quickly suppressed by police. Several investors were violently treated, and 10 were arrested on the spot, only being released around 7 p.m.

A government-endorsed scam: from financial innovation to collective trap

The Hancheng Private Lending Registration Service Center was established in June 2014 as a platform to guide private capital toward “transparency” and “standardization.” It was not an ordinary enterprise: the center was led by the Hancheng city government, with then-mayor Zhang Jianzhong heading the leadership team, and two deputy mayors along with officials from the public security, finance, court, and financial bureaus serving as members.

Promoted through local media and government documents, the center was portrayed as a model of official financial reform. The Hancheng Daily described it as offering “risk-free, high-return investment channels” and featured stories of villagers investing their children’s tuition and retirement savings. The government claimed it had “successfully issued over 1 billion yuan in loans with zero bad debts.”

With such high-level backing and promotion, the center’s 8% monthly return plan attracted many citizens. Most investors were retirees, small merchants, or farmers, trusting that “the government supervises it, so the risks are controlled,” with some even selling houses or using retirement savings to invest.

However, what the government called “financial innovation” became a collective disaster. In late September 2025, the center abruptly announced a funding crisis, leading to a total collapse. Statistics show around 2,200 victims were affected, with total losses of approximately 1.1 billion yuan.

The government as both player and referee

After the collapse, the Hancheng city government announced it would “take over” the center and promised a “solution plan,” but no action has been taken to date. When it could not fulfill its promises, authorities resorted to violent suppression of investors.

In this case, the Hancheng government quickly shifted from being the instigator to the “maintainer of order.” While such incidents are not uncommon, this level of brazen involvement is rare. When the government acts as both player and referee, the people are the only victims.

中国国企满世界欠薪,“一带一路”变“一欠一路”(2025.11.05)

「中国国企满世界欠薪,“一带一路”变“一欠一路”(2025.11.05)」11月5日,来自几内亚西芒杜铁矿项目的一则罢工消息,在社交媒体上迅速引发全球中国海外劳工的关注。消息显示,该项目承建方山西建投公司长期拖欠中国工人工资,工人被迫连续三个月无薪工作,最终集体罢工、堵路维权。

当工人将相关视频与信息上传网络后,短时间内,来自非洲、东南亚、中东乃至欧洲的中国劳工纷纷留言,讲述自己所在项目同样被拖欠薪资的经历。这些零散的信息,拼凑出一个触目惊心而又长期被忽视的现实:中国国有企业在全球范围内的欠薪问题,正逐渐呈现出系统化、常态化的趋势。

根据不完全统计,工人所提到的欠薪事件波及亚洲、非洲、欧洲、美洲和大洋洲五大洲,涉及几内亚、坦桑尼亚、沙特阿拉伯、白俄罗斯、柬埔寨等十四个国家。被指拖欠薪资的企业几乎涵盖中国对外基建投资的中坚力量,包括中铁集团、中建集团、中国水电、中石油、中石化、中电建、中冶集团、中土公司、山西建投等。工人被拖欠工资的时间短则数月,长则半年甚至更久。

过去十余年,“一带一路”被中国政府视为国家级战略,用以展示中国的国际影响力与发展愿景。然而现实却是,多个项目的实际结果与最初承诺之间存在巨大落差,不少工程陷入停摆或烂尾。意大利、菲律宾、巴拿马等国甚至先后宣布退出相关合作。

与此同时,数以万计的海外中国劳工也逐渐陷入困境:他们在异国他乡修筑铁路、水坝、公路,干最苦的工作。但当项目因财政危机或政局动荡而停工时,他们往往成为最先被抛弃的一群人。他们拿不到自己的血汗钱,还要被公司甚至警察以“维护国家形象”“理解国家困难”为由,禁止在网络上求助。一旦他们尝试在网络上发声,便会遭遇威胁与压制,发布的信息通常也在数小时内被删除一空。

这些中国国有企业不仅拖欠中国工人工资,也拖欠当地人工资。不过,由于当地劳工受本国法律和工会保护,加之没有中国工人那么多软肋,拖欠他们工资更容易引发罢工甚至暴力冲突。所以,相对于当地工人,中国工人的工资更容易被拖欠。

如今,在中国的官方叙事中,“一带一路”已很少被提及。而那条曾被中共宣传为“现代丝绸之路”的“一带一路”,正在逐渐沦为充满烂尾和欠薪的“一欠一路”

Chinese State-Owned Enterprises Owe Wages Worldwide: “Belt and Road” Becomes “Owe and Road” (Nov 5, 2025)

On November 5, news of a strike at the Simandou iron mine project in Guinea quickly drew attention from Chinese overseas workers worldwide. Reports indicated that Shanxi Construction Investment, the project contractor, had long withheld wages from Chinese workers, forcing them to work unpaid for three consecutive months. Eventually, the workers staged a strike and blocked roads to demand payment.

After workers uploaded videos and information online, Chinese laborers from Africa, Southeast Asia, the Middle East, and even Europe quickly responded, sharing their own experiences of unpaid wages on similar projects. These scattered accounts reveal a shocking and long-ignored reality: wage arrears by Chinese state-owned enterprises worldwide are becoming systematic and normalized.

According to incomplete statistics, reported cases of unpaid wages span five continents—Asia, Africa, Europe, the Americas, and Oceania—and involve fourteen countries, including Guinea, Tanzania, Saudi Arabia, Belarus, and Cambodia. Companies accused of withholding wages include the backbone of China’s overseas infrastructure investment: China Railway Group, China State Construction, China Hydropower, PetroChina, Sinopec, PowerChina, China Metallurgical Group, China National Earthquake Engineering, and Shanxi Construction Investment. Workers have been left unpaid for months, sometimes over half a year.

For more than a decade, China has promoted the “Belt and Road Initiative” as a national-level strategy to showcase its international influence and development vision. In reality, however, many projects fall far short of their initial promises, with some halted or left unfinished. Italy, the Philippines, and Panama have even withdrawn from related projects.

Meanwhile, tens of thousands of Chinese overseas workers are increasingly vulnerable. They build railways, dams, and roads in foreign countries, performing the hardest labor. When projects stall due to financial crises or political instability, these workers are often the first to be abandoned. They cannot collect their hard-earned wages and are frequently prevented by companies—or even local authorities—from seeking help online under the pretext of “protecting national image” or “understanding national difficulties.” Any attempt to speak out online is met with threats and suppression, and posts are often deleted within hours.

These Chinese state-owned enterprises also withhold wages from local workers. However, local laborers are generally protected by national laws and labor unions and are less vulnerable than Chinese workers. Delaying their pay is more likely to provoke strikes or even violent conflict. As a result, Chinese workers’ wages are more easily withheld.

Today, in China’s official narrative, the “Belt and Road” is rarely mentioned. The initiative, once promoted as a “modern Silk Road,” is increasingly turning into a route defined by unfinished projects and unpaid wages—a true Owe and Road.

云南上千村民反强制火葬,与政府抢尸队发生冲突(2025.11.05)

云南上千村民反强制火葬,与政府抢尸队发生冲突(2025.11.05)」周三,云南省昭通市镇雄县中屯镇青山村发生村民护棺示威事件。上千周边村镇的村民自发聚集在一起,联合抵制当地政府强制推行的火葬政策,阻止政府人员带走逝者遗体,并最终成功为逝者举行了土葬。在抗议过程中,村民与政府人员一度发生冲突。

事件起因于镇雄县政府近期推行的一项极具争议的“强制火葬”政策,要求所有去世的村民必须进行火葬。该政策一经实施,立即引发当地村民强烈反对。村民表示,土葬是他们世代传承的丧葬传统,承载着深厚的文化与情感,不应被“一刀切”地取缔。许多村民还担忧火葬费用高昂,而镇雄政府此前并未就相关费用或墓地安置等作出明确承诺。

不过,民意显然并非中共施政的优先考量。在村民的反对声中,当地政府却以极为强硬的方式推进着该火葬政策,甚至不惜作出将已埋葬的逝者遗体从坟墓中偷走并私自火化的恶行。在与青山村相邻的中屯镇头屯村,近日便发生一起掘墓偷尸事件,一位村民于近日去世后,其家属为防止遗体被强行火化,特意将遗体埋在邻近的贵州毕节大河乡。让家属没想到的是,即便这样,在仅五天后,坟墓还是被挖开,遗体也不翼而飞。随后家属接到殡仪馆电话,被要求前往“处理后续事宜”。

11月5日,为了逝者的遗体能够顺利下葬,上千名村民自发从周边村镇聚集到了青山村。当地政府闻讯后,立即派出了大量政府人员进村,试图阻止土葬,并抢走逝者遗体,他们在土葬队伍必经的路上,组成多道人墙进行拦截。

埋葬仪式开始后,女性村民与政府人员曾短暂对峙。随后,大量青壮年村民便抬棺强行冲卡。现场视频显示,送葬队伍声势浩大,高喊“坚决不火葬”等口号,轻易的就突破了由政府人员组成的人墙。由于村民人数和力量占绝对优势,政府人员在被冲散后,也不敢有过激举动。之后,村民如法炮制,又瓦解了数次政府人员的拦阻行动,最终成功将逝者下葬。

下葬后,为防止政府人员“偷尸”,死者家属又连续数日轮流守在墓地周边进行看护。

反对强制火葬的事件近年来屡有发生。仅在2024年,与镇雄临近的贵州省金沙县和平塘县,就曾发生过两起大规模反对强制火葬的运动。最终,这两起抗议都取得了成功,迫使地方政府放弃了强制火葬政策。

Over a Thousand Villagers in Yunnan Clash with Government “Corpse Retrieval Teams” Over Forced Cremation Policy (Nov 5, 2025)

On Wednesday, a large protest broke out in Qingshan Village, Zhongtun Town, Zhenxiong County, Zhaotong City, Yunnan Province, where over a thousand villagers gathered to resist the local government’s policy of forced cremation. Villagers from surrounding towns joined together to block government personnel from seizing the body of a deceased resident and ultimately succeeded in burying the deceased according to traditional customs. During the protest, clashes erupted between villagers and government officials.

The incident was triggered by a highly controversial “mandatory cremation” policy recently introduced by the Zhenxiong County government, which requires all deceased residents to be cremated. The policy has sparked widespread outrage among locals, who argue that earth burials are an ancestral tradition deeply tied to their cultural and emotional heritage, and should not be abolished through a one-size-fits-all directive. Many villagers also expressed concern over the high costs associated with cremation, noting that the government had provided no clear financial assistance or guarantees regarding cremation fees or burial arrangements.

However, public opinion appears to hold little weight under the Chinese Communist Party’s governance priorities. Despite widespread opposition, local authorities have been aggressively enforcing the policy—reportedly even going so far as to exhume and cremate bodies that had already been buried. In one particularly shocking case in Toutun Village, near Qingshan, a family, fearing forced cremation, buried their deceased relative across the border in Dahe Township, Bijie City, Guizhou Province. Yet, just five days later, the grave was found dug up and the body missing. The family later received a call from the local funeral home instructing them to come “handle the follow-up procedures.”

On November 5, over a thousand villagers again gathered in Qingshan Village to ensure that another deceased resident could be buried peacefully. In response, local authorities deployed a large number of officials to the village to block the burial procession and seize the body, setting up multiple human barricades along the route.

When the burial ceremony began, several women confronted the officials in a tense standoff. Moments later, a group of young men carrying the coffin broke through the blockade. Video footage shows the massive funeral procession chanting slogans such as “No to forced cremation!” as they pushed past government lines. Outnumbered and overpowered, the officials quickly dispersed and did not attempt further confrontation. Villagers then dismantled several more lines of obstruction before successfully completing the burial.

After the burial, the deceased’s family members took turns guarding the gravesite for several days to prevent government personnel from exhuming the body.

Incidents of resistance against forced cremation have been increasingly common in recent years. In 2024 alone, two major protests took place in the neighboring Guizhou provinces of Jinsha and Pingtang, where villagers successfully pressured local governments to abandon mandatory cremation policies.

[鞋厂工人被迫带病上班,不堪重负跳楼自杀(2025.11.05-07)」

近日,浙江温州发生了一起令人痛心的悲剧。11月3日,在温州市鹿城区中国鞋都产业园区三期,一名鞋厂员工从六楼坠下,不幸身亡。死者是温州雅朵鞋业有限公司的一名工人。

据死者家属透露,死者生前患病在身,却仍被迫带病长时间工作。在长期的高强度劳动和巨大的精神压力下,最终选择了以极端的方式结束生命。

事发后,死者家属于11月5日至7日连续三天在雅朵鞋业门口讨说法,要求厂方给予合理解释与赔偿。但家属表示,厂方至今拒绝沟通和承担责任。

事件曝光后,引发温州及周边工人社群的广泛关注与愤慨。大量工人通过网络发声,揭露中国制造业尤其是温州鞋厂普遍存在的恶劣劳动环境:

1. 超长工时、休息缺失:多名工人表示,几乎所有温州鞋厂每月都只休息一天,每天工作超过12小时。

2. 病假难请:工人表示“请假看病还要医院开证明,不然按旷工处理。”“不舒服想请假,管理不同意,说要么辞职,要么自己花钱请人顶班。”

温州雅朵鞋业的悲剧并非孤例。在中国,从沿海制造基地到内陆代工工厂,超时、超负荷劳动普遍存在,因过度劳累而导致伤亡的事件层出不穷。11月6日,在广东深圳深奇浩智造公司,一名工人在车间不幸死亡后,面对前来维权的家属,工厂负责人竟以V字手势挑衅,这一行为充分暴露出一线工人在管理方眼中的卑微地位。

长期以来,在中国官方的叙事里,中国以“世界工厂、制造大国”而自豪。不过,背后的代价却是无数普通工人在系统性的超时与超负荷劳动中被压榨,健康、尊严甚至生命被不断牺牲。

这种以牺牲人权为基础的“效率”和“利润”模式,使得所谓的“制造大国”,本质上其实是一个大型的现代化奴隶工厂。

[Shoe Factory Worker Forced to Work While Sick, Jumps to Death Under Overwhelming Pressure (Nov 5–7, 2025)]

A heartbreaking tragedy recently took place in Wenzhou, Zhejiang Province. On November 3, at Phase III of the China Shoe Capital Industrial Park in Lucheng District, a shoe factory worker fell from the sixth floor and died. The victim was an employee of Wenzhou Yaduo Shoes Co., Ltd.

According to the victim’s family, the worker had been ill but was still forced to work long hours despite their condition. Under prolonged, high-intensity labor and enormous mental pressure, the worker ultimately ended their life in an extreme act of despair.

After the incident, the victim’s family gathered in front of Yaduo Shoes for three consecutive days, from November 5 to 7, demanding an explanation and compensation from the company. However, they said the factory has so far refused to communicate or take responsibility.

The incident sparked widespread outrage among workers in Wenzhou and surrounding areas. Many took to social media to expose the harsh working conditions that are widespread across China’s manufacturing sector—particularly in Wenzhou’s shoe factories:

  1. Excessive working hours and lack of rest: Multiple workers reported that nearly all Wenzhou shoe factories allow only one day off per month, with workdays exceeding 12 hours.
  2. Difficult or denied sick leave: Workers said, “If you want to see a doctor, you must present a hospital certificate or it’s counted as absenteeism.” “If you feel unwell and ask for leave, management refuses, saying either resign or pay someone to cover your shift yourself.”

The tragedy at Wenzhou Yaduo Shoes is not an isolated case. Across China—from coastal manufacturing hubs to inland subcontracting factories—overwork and excessive labor are widespread, and deaths from exhaustion occur frequently. On November 6, at Shenzhen Shenqi Hao Manufacturing in Guangdong, a worker died in the workshop. When the bereaved family came to seek justice, the factory manager responded with a provocative “V” hand gesture—exposing the contempt with which frontline workers are often regarded by management.

For decades, China’s official narrative has celebrated the country’s identity as the “world’s factory” and a “manufacturing powerhouse.” Yet behind this pride lies the systemic exploitation of ordinary workers, whose health, dignity, and even lives are repeatedly sacrificed through relentless overwork.

This model of “efficiency” and “profit” built on the violation of human rights reveals that the so-called “manufacturing powerhouse” is, in essence, nothing more than a vast modern-day slave factory.

官员、银行联手侵吞6000万存款,村民维权被判刑(2025.11.06)

「官员、银行联手侵吞6000万存款,村民维权被判刑(2025.11.06)」截至11月6日,重庆市奉节县永安镇的数十名村民,已在中国农业银行奉节夔州路支行连续坚守了三周。他们不是在等待取款,而是在讨要一笔高达六千多万元的巨额存款——这笔钱,原是他们在1997年为配合三峡工程建设而失去土地的征地补偿。在过去的二十多年间,这笔资金仿佛凭空“消失”,而村民的漫漫讨款路,却成了一部充满暴力与悲剧的维权史,多名村民因此被殴打、关押,甚至被判刑,但巨款至今分文未回。

事件的根源,要追溯到1997年。当时,因三峡工程奉节新县城的建设,永安镇原十里村、桂井村、白马村的数千亩土地被当地征收。据村民透露,当地政府曾口头承诺每亩给予7000元赔偿。然而,接下来的操作却彻底违背了程序和承诺。时任奉节县委书记刘本荣等人在未经村民同意的情况下,私自将这笔补偿款存入了永安镇的农业银行等四家银行。直到1999年,这笔本该用于安家立业的征地款,才以远低于承诺价的金额,通过存折的形式发放到村民手中。然而,村民发现这些存折徒有其表:它们既无本金,也无利息,形同废纸,根本无法取出任何款项。两年后的2001年,当地政府更进一步,采取了强制收缴手段——以每个存折9954元的价格,并以限制小孩入学等方式作为威胁,强行收走了部分村民的存折。另一部分没有交出存折的村民,至今仍分文未获。当他们前往银行追问存款下落时,得到的答复令人震惊:银行行长告知,这笔征地款已经被某位县领导转走,至于具体是哪位领导,则被行长以“秘密”为由而拒绝透露。与此同时,当地官员则冷酷的宣称:“土地是国家的,补偿归政府所有。”然而,村民们驳斥道,他们的土地早在1981年便已分配到户。

在过去的二十多年里,村民们从未放弃,但他们的维权行动,迎来的却是持续不断的打压与暴力侵害。他们不仅没有拿回属于自己的补偿款,反而多次遭到警察和政府人员的殴打及关押,至少有5名村民在这期间被判刑。据村民透露,即便是几位六旬老人,也未能逃过被公职人员以“脱去衣裤、作老虎凳”等方式羞辱和虐待

打压在近年更是升级。2024年6月,邓维碧、李绳杰、杨金风等六人前往北京上访,途中被奉节县政府派出的截访人员抓走,其中包括现任奉节县公安局长兼副县委书记熊锦望。据村民描述,六人随后被关进了北京丰台区的一处“黑监狱”并遭到暴力对待:李绳杰被恐吓至大小便失禁;邓维碧头部被击,牙齿脱落、听力受损;杨金风手指骨折,伤情触目惊心。

回到这场已持续三周的维权行动,面对村民的质问,涉事银行仍旧推诿,甚至以暂停营业为由规避责任。而当地政府则派出大量工作人员与警察到场“维稳”。那笔消失的六千万元存款,不仅是村民失地后的唯一保障,更是延续二十余年的权力侵害的明证。村民的维权之路,依旧漫长而艰难。

Officials and Bank Collude to Embezzle 60 Million Yuan in Deposits — Villagers’ Fight for Justice Ends in Prison Sentences (Nov. 6, 2025)

As of November 6, dozens of villagers from Yong’an Town, Fengjie County, Chongqing, have been standing outside the Agricultural Bank of China’s Kuizhou Road branch for three consecutive weeks. They are not there to withdraw money—they are demanding the return of more than 60 million yuan in missing deposits. The funds were originally land compensation issued to them in 1997, after their farmland was seized for the construction of the Three Gorges Project. Over the past two decades, the money has seemingly “vanished,” and the villagers’ long struggle to reclaim it has turned into a tragic story of violence and persecution. Many have been beaten, detained, or imprisoned, yet the missing millions have never been recovered.

The origins of the case date back to 1997, when thousands of mu of farmland belonging to Shili, Guijing, and Baima villages in Yong’an Town were expropriated for the relocation of Fengjie’s new county seat. According to villagers, the local government had verbally promised compensation of 7,000 yuan per mu. However, what followed blatantly violated both legal procedure and official promises. Then–Fengjie County Party Secretary Liu Benrong and others allegedly deposited the compensation funds into several banks, including the Agricultural Bank of China’s Yong’an branch, without the villagers’ consent.In 1999, the villagers finally received passbooks that supposedly represented their land compensation, but the amounts recorded were far below what had been promised. Worse still, when villagers tried to withdraw their funds, they discovered that the passbooks were meaningless—no principal, no interest, and no access to any money. In 2001, the local government went a step further: it forcibly reclaimed some villagers’ passbooks at a fixed price of 9,954 yuan each, threatening to bar their children from attending school if they refused to comply.Those who refused to hand over their passbooks have never received any compensation. When they went to the bank to inquire about their missing deposits, they were told that the funds had been transferred away by a county leader—the bank manager refused to name who, citing “confidentiality.” Local officials, meanwhile, coldly asserted that “the land belongs to the state, and the compensation belongs to the government.” The villagers countered that their farmland had been contracted to individual households in 1981, long before the expropriation.

For more than two decades, the villagers have refused to give up. Yet their pursuit of justice has been met with relentless suppression and violence. Not only have they failed to recover their lost compensation, but they have also endured arbitrary beatings, detentions, and imprisonment. At least five villagers have been sentenced to prison. According to witnesses, even elderly villagers in their sixties were stripped, tied to “tiger benches,” and tortured by officials.

The repression has only intensified in recent years. In June 2024, six villagers—including Deng Weibi, Li Shengjie, and Yang Jinfeng—traveled to Beijing to petition the central government. They were intercepted by Fengjie authorities, including current county police chief and deputy Party secretary Xiong Jinwang, and detained in a “black jail” in Beijing’s Fengtai District. Villagers say the six were brutally beaten: Li Shengjie was terrorized to the point of losing control of his bowels; Deng Weibi suffered head injuries, lost teeth, and partial hearing; Yang Jinfeng had his fingers broken.

Now, as this latest protest enters its third week, the bank continues to dodge responsibility—closing its doors and claiming to be temporarily closed—while the local government has dispatched large numbers of police and officials to maintain stability. The vanished 60 million yuan is not just the villagers’ lost livelihood after losing their land—it is evidence of more than two decades of systemic abuse of power. The villagers’ struggle for justice continues, though the road ahead remains long and perilous.

山西数百村民围堵市政府,抗议天然气价暴涨(2025.11.05)

「山西数百村民围堵市政府,抗议天然气价暴涨(2025.11.05)」山西介休的数百名村民,本周三聚集在市政府门前,抗议当地天然气价格突然大幅上涨,市政府大门一度被堵。

此次事件的起因,源于介休市推行的“煤改气”政策。宋古乡三道河村作为该市首个“禁煤村”试点,于2017年被介休政府以环保和推广清洁能源为由,拆除了所有燃煤供暖设施,并大规模安装天然气壁挂炉。当时,介休政府曾承诺多项补贴以鼓励村民配合:包括每户每年用气在1120立方米以内的,每一立方米补贴1元、壁挂锅炉补贴 4000 元以及开户管网补贴 2800 元。村民曾计算,在有补贴的情况下,使用天然气取暖成本低于传统燃煤。

然而,由于天然气价格的突然上涨,村民发现,他们已经承受不起冬季取暖费用。2025年10月22日,介休市发展和改革局和介休市住房和城乡建设局联合发布文件,将居民用管道天然气销售价格从 2.61 元/立方米上调至 2.97 元/立方米,并相应调整阶梯价格,最高达到 4.45 元/立方米,涨价幅度远超村民承受能力。

对此,村民异常愤怒,纷纷谴责政府当初以环保为名,强行“一刀切”拆除锅炉、禁止烧煤,如今却任由天然气费用大幅增加,让村民来承担高昂的清洁能源代价。一名村民在社交媒体上哭诉:“三道河老百姓活不下去了,过冬取暖成了大问题,根本不敢开天然气。”另有村民表示,去年冬季取暖支出就高达 5000 元,形容收费如“无底洞”。部分村民要求取消禁煤令,改用价格相对便宜的燃煤集中供暖。10月3日,村民曾前往乡政府抗议,但未获回应。

在10月5日的抗议现场,由于市政府保安禁止村民进入办公区,愤怒的村民随即围堵了市政府大门,高喊口号,要求取消不合理的天然气涨价政策。截至目前,当地市政府尚未就村民的诉求作出正式回应。

Hundreds of Villagers in Shanxi Surround City Government to Protest Soaring Natural Gas Prices (Nov. 5, 2025)

Hundreds of villagers in Jiexiu, Shanxi, gathered in front of the city government on Wednesday to protest the sudden sharp rise in local natural gas prices, temporarily blocking the main entrance of the government building.

The incident stems from Jiexiu’s “coal-to-gas” policy. Sandahe Village in Songgu Township, as the city’s first “coal-free village” pilot, had all coal heating facilities removed in 2017 by the Jiexiu government under the guise of environmental protection and promoting clean energy, while a large number of natural gas wall-mounted boilers were installed. At the time, the government promised various subsidies to encourage villagers’ compliance: 1 yuan per cubic meter for household usage within 1,120 cubic meters annually, a 4,000-yuan subsidy for wall-mounted boilers, and a 2,800-yuan subsidy for opening pipeline accounts. Villagers calculated that, with these subsidies, heating with natural gas would cost less than traditional coal.

However, due to the sudden increase in natural gas prices, villagers found themselves unable to afford winter heating costs. On October 22, 2025, the Jiexiu Development and Reform Bureau and the Jiexiu Housing and Urban-Rural Development Bureau jointly issued a document raising the sales price of residential piped natural gas from 2.61 yuan per cubic meter to 2.97 yuan per cubic meter, with tiered pricing adjusted accordingly, reaching a maximum of 4.45 yuan per cubic meter—a price increase far beyond what villagers could bear.

Villagers expressed extreme anger, criticizing the government for previously forcibly removing boilers and banning coal under the banner of environmental protection, while now letting natural gas costs rise sharply, forcing villagers to shoulder the high cost of clean energy. One villager lamented on social media: “The people of Sandahe can’t survive; winter heating has become a major problem. We don’t even dare to turn on the gas.” Another said that last winter’s heating costs reached 5,000 yuan, describing the charges as a “bottomless pit.” Some villagers demanded the cancellation of the coal ban and a return to relatively cheaper centralized coal heating. On October 3, villagers went to the township government to protest but received no response.

During the protest on October 5, because government security prevented villagers from entering the office area, the angry villagers surrounded the city government’s main gate, shouting slogans and demanding the cancellation of the unreasonable gas price hike. As of now, the local government has yet to issue an official response to the villagers’ demands.

新一轮制造业工人罢工潮:4天14起(2025.11.01-04)

新一轮制造业工人罢工潮:4天14起(2025.11.01-04)」继今年8月至9月初发生的“33天22起”制造业工人罢工潮后,中国制造业在11月初再次进入新一轮劳资冲突高发期。 相比前一波,本次的爆发态势更为集中和猛烈:仅在11月1日至4日的短短四天内,“昨天”项目就记录到14起制造业工人罢工或集体讨薪事件。

在这14起工人维权事件中,仅一起由“克扣工资”引发,其余13起事件全部由“长期拖欠工资”所致。拖欠时间少则两个月,多则长达半年甚至一年,清晰地反映出企业资金链紧张导致欠薪普遍化的趋势。

这14起工人维权事件分别是:

11月1日,广东清远冠星陶瓷企业有限公司工人讨薪;

11月1日,江西南昌聚仁制衣有限公司工人讨薪;

11月1日,浙江杭州高地工业园雨成服饰有限公司工人讨薪;

11月1日,福建泉州晋江青美工业园某工厂工人讨薪;

11月2日,广东佛山雅柏家具实业有限公司工人讨薪;

11月2日至3日,广东广州白云区雅狮皮具有限公司工人讨薪;

11月3日,湖南衡阳竣能科技有限公司工人讨薪;

11月3日,江西赣州信丰县拓远新能源有限公司工人讨薪;

11月3日,浙江温州保华眼镜有限公司工人讨薪;

11月3日至4日,安徽六安舒城县慧君科技有限公司工人罢工抗议公司克扣工资;

11月3日至4日,广东深圳资嘉科技有限公司工人讨薪;

11月3日至4日,江西吉安银图实业有限公司工人讨薪。

 11月4日,湖北龙牧专用汽车有限公司工人讨薪;

11月4日,浙江台州温岭市联永智能科技有限公司工人讨薪;

在当前中国经济持续下行、全球需求疲软以及国际贸易战的宏观背景下,中国制造业的欠薪与罢工事件正呈现出越来越密集的态势。对于工人而言,工资往往是他们唯一的经济来源,长期被拖欠将直接影响其房租、水电和食物等基本生活保障;然而,由于工会组织和有效法律援助的缺失,以及工厂在资金断裂后常出现的“老板跑路”和资产转移,使得工人集体维权行动最终往往不了了之。而那些因此被迫采取更激进行动的工人,还要承担随之而来的关押甚至判刑的风险。

“New Wave of Manufacturing Worker Strikes: 14 Cases in 4 Days (Nov 1–4, 2025)”

Following the wave of 22 manufacturing worker strikes over 33 days from August to early September this year, China’s manufacturing sector has entered another high period of labor-management conflict in early November. Compared with the previous wave, the current outbreak is more concentrated and intense: in just four days from November 1 to 4, the “Yesterday” project recorded 14 instances of worker strikes or collective wage demands.

Among these 14 labor rights incidents, only one was triggered by wage deductions, while the remaining 13 were all caused by long-term wage arrears. The delay periods ranged from as short as two months to as long as six months or even a year, clearly reflecting a trend of widespread wage arrears due to tight corporate cash flows.

The 14 labor incidents are as follows:

  • Nov 1: Workers of Guangdong Qingyuan Guanxing Ceramics Co., Ltd. demanded unpaid wages.
  • Nov 1: Workers of Jiangxi Nanchang Juren Garments Co., Ltd. demanded unpaid wages.
  • Nov 1: Workers of Zhejiang Hangzhou Gaodi Industrial Park Yucheng Garments Co., Ltd. demanded unpaid wages.
  • Nov 1: Workers of a factory in Quanzhou Jinjiang Qingmei Industrial Park, Fujian demanded unpaid wages.
  • Nov 2: Workers of Guangdong Foshan Yabo Furniture Industrial Co., Ltd. demanded unpaid wages.
  • Nov 2–3: Workers of Guangdong Guangzhou Baiyun District Yashi Leather Co., Ltd. demanded unpaid wages.
  • Nov 3: Workers of Hunan Hengyang Juneng Technology Co., Ltd. demanded unpaid wages.
  • Nov 3: Workers of Jiangxi Ganzhou Xinfeng County Tuoyuan New Energy Co., Ltd. demanded unpaid wages.
  • Nov 3: Workers of Zhejiang Wenzhou Baohua Eyewear Co., Ltd. demanded unpaid wages.
  • Nov 3–4: Workers of Anhui Lu’an Shucheng County Huijun Technology Co., Ltd. went on strike to protest wage deductions.
  • Nov 3–4: Workers of Guangdong Shenzhen Zijia Technology Co., Ltd. demanded unpaid wages.
  • Nov 3–4: Workers of Jiangxi Ji’an Yintu Industrial Co., Ltd. demanded unpaid wages.
  • Nov 4: Workers of Hubei Longmu Special-purpose Vehicle Co., Ltd. demanded unpaid wages.
  • Nov 4: Workers of Zhejiang Taizhou Wenling Lianying Intelligent Technology Co., Ltd. demanded unpaid wages.

Amid the ongoing economic slowdown in China, weak global demand, and international trade tensions, wage arrears and strike incidents in China’s manufacturing sector are becoming increasingly frequent. For workers, wages are often their sole source of income, and prolonged delays directly threaten their ability to pay for rent, utilities, and food. However, due to the lack of trade unions and effective legal assistance, as well as the common occurrence of employers fleeing or transferring assets when a factory’s finances break down, collective labor actions often fizzle out. Workers who are forced to take more radical measures also face the risk of detention or even criminal prosecution.