12月22至23日，湖南长沙发声一起因业主辱骂骑手而引发的示威事件。数百名外卖骑手持续十余小时围堵小区大门，并在市区长时间游行示威。
Documentary: “The Anti-Discrimination Protest by Food Delivery Riders in Changsha, Hunan”
From December 22 to 23, a protest broke out in Changsha, Hunan Province, triggered by a property owner verbally abusing a delivery rider. Hundreds of food delivery riders blockaded the entrance of a residential compound for more than ten hours and carried out prolonged demonstrations across the city.
「千万“电子妈妈”掀舆论海啸助宁波“小洛熙”讨公道（2025.12.19-21）」2025年12月19日，在经历了长达35天的绝望奔走与网络呼号之后，宁波“小洛熙”的父母终于等来了那份决定性的法医报告。不过，这份由知名法医刘良出具的鉴定意见，不仅没有平息争议，反而如同一颗深水炸弹，在中国的互联网上引发了罕见的舆论风暴。数以千万计的“电子妈妈”与代表宁波大学附属妇幼医院利益的“水军”在网络上展开了激烈博弈，为那个逝去的生命争夺最后的真相。
尸检真相：“制造”出来的致命手术
根据尸检报告，5个月大的小洛熙死因触目惊心：术中肺静脉梗阻、严重肺水肿、心脏传导系统损伤以及失血性休克。然而，最令舆论哗然的，是关于心脏缺损的真相。
术前，宁波妇儿医院的病历和手术记录反复强调，小洛熙患有“7mm静脉窦型房缺及无顶冠状窦综合症”。这是一种复杂且罕见的先天性心脏病，也是主刀医生陈君贤力劝家属进行手术的核心理由——他声称这是“必须要做的手术”，且是“入门级的高成功率手术”。
但尸检结果狠狠打碎了这一谎言。法医在解剖中根本没有发现所谓的“无顶冠状窦综合症”或“冠状窦型房缺”，仅检见一个3毫米的继发孔型房间隔缺损。按照现行医学共识，这种单纯、微小的缺损在婴幼儿中极为常见，且具有极高的自然闭合概率。主流诊疗方案通常建议随访观察至学龄前，而非在5个月大的婴幼儿期进行高风险的开胸手术。
此外，尸检显示小洛熙体内的出血量高达70毫升。对于一个5个月大的婴儿来说，这已超过全身血容量的一半。这意味着，孩子几乎是在手术台上流干了血。
“这不是手术失败，这就是谋杀。”看到报告的那一刻，小洛熙的母亲邓女士崩溃痛哭，“陈君贤，你自己也有后代，你怎么舍得拿5个月的小孩折磨9个小时，让她血流干净？”
业内揭秘：为了利益拿幼儿当“小白鼠”？
为什么陈君贤要对一个几乎健康的孩子动刀？随着尸检报告的曝光，多位心外科专业人士及资深医生在网络上给出了令人不寒而栗的推测。
有业内人士指出，随着中国出生率下降及产前筛查的普及，先心外科正处于“病源枯竭”的边缘。加之北上广顶尖医院的虹吸效应，像宁波这类二线城市的医院很难留住病人。在这种背景下，陈君贤可能面临着极大的手术量KPI压力。业内推测，为了留住病人，陈君贤在明知彩超诊断存疑并建议CTA复查的情况下，并未进行进一步确诊检查，而是急于将小洛熙推上手术台。
更可怕的推测是：他在手术中犯下的致命错误，是小洛熙死亡的主因。一位网名为“咖喱鸡”的心外科医生分析指出，陈君贤术中可能因解剖结构不清，将右下肺静脉误认为是那个根本不存在的“冠状窦房缺”并进行了缝合，导致肺静脉梗阻，引发严重肺水肿和心力衰竭。为了掩盖错误或试图补救，手术时长从承诺的3小时拖延至7个多小时，期间经历了二次开胸，最终导致孩子惨死。
在网络上，网友的爆料也印证了作为陈君贤同行的医生们的推测，一名母亲表示，她也有和小洛熙妈妈类似的遭遇。2024年，她带孩子到宁波大学附属妇幼儿童医院检查时，也挂到了陈君贤的号，当时，陈也是用一样的话术劝她给孩子做手术。不过，幸运的是，这个妈妈后来带孩子去了上海交大医学院，那里医生告诉她，孩子不需要做手术。
“开胸后发现没有那个7mm的洞，发现自己做不了，给孩子缝上也不至于丢了命吧？”无数网友发出这样的质问。但现实是，手术台上的错误操作，最终夺走了小洛熙的生命。据网友深挖，涉事医生陈君贤手下疑似已有其他类似死亡案例，但此前均未得到妥善处理。
尸检报告公布以后，有法律界人士指出，若证据链能证明医生存在主观故意，卫健委应立即将案件移送公安机关，以“故意伤害或故意杀人罪”立案侦查，绝不能仅停留在行政层面的事故鉴定。
舆论战：院方水军洗地与人格侮辱
面对确凿的尸检报告和汹涌的民意，宁波大学附属妇女儿童医院及涉事医生并未选择道歉，而是发起了一场针对受害者家属的抹黑行动。尸检报告出炉后，院方曾短暂发布声明，试图重新界定房缺大小及手术合理性，为自己洗白，但随即在20分钟后删除了该声明。与此同时，网络上包括“白衣山猫”、“豆妈刘芳”、“虫子医僧”等十数个大V账号，步调一致地发布了大量混淆视听的内容为医院“洗地”。甚至有账号恶意泄露邓女士过往的流产史等私密就医记录，试图通过人格攻击来转移公众视线。这种突破底线的操作激怒了公众。包括大量医务人员、多位明星以及天量网友纷纷发文驳斥，与水军展开论战。
“以为结果出来了就是上岸了，没想到水更深了！”一名网友愤怒地评论道。
“电子妈妈”让“宁波的风”吹向世界
如果不是小洛熙父母的坚韧，如果不是网络上勇敢的“电子妈妈”群体，这起悲剧或许早已经被一句轻描淡写的“手术并发症”掩埋。
从11月14日家属网络求助，到17日广场哭诉，再到如今的全网声援，数以千万计的“电子妈妈”成为了这起事件的中坚力量。因为更能感同身受，她们的态度相较普通网友也更为决绝。
在事件初期，由于相关部门的大规模屏蔽和删帖，热度一度降温。是这群“电子妈妈”发起了“宁波的风”接力活动，将小洛熙一家的遭遇传遍中国，直至全球。在这一个多月里，“电子妈妈”群体不断壮大，她们始终关注着小洛熙母亲的一举一动，在各大平台发表声援文章、视频，在评论区呼吁、呐喊，甚至自费购买推广，只为对抗无处不在的审查。
她们的行动不仅仅在线上。在线下，她们发起了在汽车和手袋上贴标语的活动，要让小洛熙的遭遇传遍城市的每一个角落。她们拨打宁波各级政府的电话进行控诉，希望当局能给小洛熙一个公道。当相关商品在电商平台被下架，她们甚至开始自行印制标语进行传播。
正如“电子妈妈”们所言，她们“不希望再看到下一个因为手术失误含泪去世的宝宝，我们能做的就是不断顶帖，不让热度消失。”、“虽有无良之人造谣抹黑，但你们背后还有千千万万个电子爸妈支持，一定要坚持到底，让坏人绳之以法。”
正是她们的坚持，使得小洛熙事件没有像其他类似悲剧一样随着时间流逝而沉寂，而是在一个月后演变成一场现象级的公共事件，凝聚了天量的关注与愤怒。
在腐烂的系统中寻找公道
尽管法医鉴定结果已经为事件定性，尽管有上亿网友关注、千万“电子妈妈”支持，但小洛熙父母的维权之路依然漫长。因为她们面对的，是盘根错节的利益共同体和已经腐烂的医疗系统。
一位“电子妈妈”的留言道出了许多人的心声：“小洛熙事件对我的影响，高于我前半生读的所有圣贤书。敲醒了生活在看似繁华盛世的我，我想我再也不会因为媒体大肆歌颂的国泰民安而感动到热泪盈眶。”
Tens of Millions of “E-Mothers” Ignite a Tsunami of Public Opinion to Seek Justice for Ningbo’s “Little Luoxi” (2025.12.19–21)
On December 19, 2025, after 35 days of desperate appeals and online pleas, the parents of “Little Luoxi” in Ningbo finally received the decisive forensic report they had been waiting for. Yet the appraisal—issued by renowned forensic pathologist Liu Liang—not only failed to calm the controversy; it detonated like a deep-sea bomb, unleashing a rare storm of public opinion across China’s internet. Tens of millions of so-called “e-mothers” clashed fiercely online with organized “water army” accounts representing the interests of Ningbo University Affiliated Women and Children’s Hospital, battling over the final truth behind a lost young life.
Autopsy Truth: A Lethal Surgery That Was “Manufactured”
According to the autopsy report, the cause of death of the five-month-old infant was chilling: intraoperative pulmonary vein obstruction, severe pulmonary edema, damage to the cardiac conduction system, and hemorrhagic shock. What shocked public opinion most, however, was the truth about the alleged heart defect.
Before surgery, medical records and operative notes from the Ningbo women and children’s hospital repeatedly emphasized that Luoxi had a “7-mm sinus venosus atrial septal defect with unroofed coronary sinus syndrome.” This is a complex and rare congenital heart disease—and it was the core reason the lead surgeon, Chen Junxian, strongly urged the family to consent to surgery. He claimed it was “absolutely necessary” and a “basic procedure with a very high success rate.”
The autopsy results brutally shattered that narrative. During dissection, forensic experts found no trace of an “unroofed coronary sinus syndrome” or a “coronary sinus–type atrial septal defect.” Instead, they identified only a 3-mm secundum atrial septal defect. Under current medical consensus, such a small, simple defect is extremely common in infants and carries a very high likelihood of spontaneous closure. Mainstream clinical guidance typically recommends follow-up observation until preschool age, rather than high-risk open-heart surgery in a five-month-old infant.
Moreover, the autopsy revealed internal bleeding of approximately 70 milliliters. For a five-month-old baby, this exceeds half of the total blood volume—meaning the child essentially bled out on the operating table.
“This wasn’t a failed operation—this was murder,” Luoxi’s mother, Ms. Deng, sobbed upon seeing the report. “Chen Junxian, you have children of your own. How could you bear to torment a five-month-old baby for nine hours and let her bleed dry?”
Inside the Profession: Infants as “Guinea Pigs” for Profit?
Why would Chen Junxian operate on a child who was nearly healthy? As the autopsy report surfaced, multiple cardiac surgery specialists and senior physicians offered chilling speculation online.
Some insiders noted that, with China’s declining birth rate and the widespread adoption of prenatal screening, pediatric congenital heart surgery is approaching “patient source exhaustion.” Combined with the siphoning effect of top hospitals in Beijing, Shanghai, and Guangzhou, hospitals in second-tier cities like Ningbo struggle to retain patients. Against this backdrop, Chen Junxian may have been under intense pressure to meet surgical-volume KPIs. Insiders speculate that, despite ambiguous ultrasound findings and recommendations for further CTA confirmation, he skipped additional diagnostic confirmation and rushed Luoxi onto the operating table to keep the case.
An even more disturbing hypothesis is that a fatal intraoperative error was the primary cause of death. A cardiac surgeon using the handle “Curry Chicken” analyzed that Chen may have misidentified the right lower pulmonary vein as the nonexistent “coronary sinus atrial defect” and sutured it, causing pulmonary vein obstruction and triggering severe pulmonary edema and heart failure. In an attempt to conceal the mistake or attempt a salvage, the operation—promised to last three hours—dragged on for more than seven hours, including a second thoracotomy, ultimately resulting in the child’s death.
Online disclosures appeared to corroborate these professional suspicions. One mother said she had a similar experience: in 2024, she took her child to Ningbo University Affiliated Women and Children’s Hospital and also saw Chen Junxian, who used the same rhetoric to persuade her to proceed with surgery. Fortunately, she later took her child to Shanghai Jiao Tong University School of Medicine, where doctors told her surgery was unnecessary.
“After opening the chest and finding there was no 7-mm hole—if you realized you couldn’t do it, wouldn’t stitching the child up still have spared her life?” countless netizens asked. But reality was unforgiving: errors on the operating table ultimately took Luoxi’s life. Further digging by online users suggested that Chen Junxian may have been linked to other similar fatal cases that were never properly addressed.
After the autopsy report was released, legal experts noted that if the evidence chain can establish subjective intent on the part of the physician, health authorities should immediately transfer the case to public security organs for criminal investigation under charges such as intentional injury or intentional homicide, rather than confining it to administrative medical accident review.
The Public Opinion War: Whitewashing and Character Assassination
Faced with conclusive autopsy findings and surging public outrage, Ningbo University Affiliated Women and Children’s Hospital and the surgeon involved did not choose to apologize. Instead, they launched a smear campaign against the victim’s family. After the autopsy report was published, the hospital briefly issued a statement attempting to redefine the defect size and justify the surgery, only to delete it within 20 minutes. Meanwhile, numerous influential accounts—including “White-Coated Lynx,” “Bean Mom Liu Fang,” and “Monk Bug Doctor”—posted coordinated, misleading content to “whitewash” the hospital’s actions. Some accounts even maliciously leaked Ms. Deng’s past miscarriage history and other private medical records, attempting to divert public attention through personal attacks.
This crossing of ethical red lines enraged the public. Large numbers of medical professionals, several celebrities, and massive numbers of netizens spoke out in rebuttal, engaging the paid commentators in fierce debate.
“We thought once the results came out, we’d made it ashore—turns out the water is even deeper,” one netizen wrote angrily.
“E-Mothers” Let the “Wind from Ningbo” Blow Across the World
If not for the parents’ resilience—and if not for the courageous community of “e-mothers”—this tragedy might long ago have been buried under the vague label of “surgical complications.”
From the family’s online plea on November 14, to public crying in the town square on the 17th, to today’s nationwide outpouring of support, tens of millions of “e-mothers” have become the backbone of this movement. Because they empathize more deeply, their stance has been more resolute than that of ordinary netizens.
In the early stages, heavy censorship and mass deletions caused public attention to cool. It was the “e-mothers” who launched the relay campaign known as “The Wind from Ningbo,” spreading Luoxi’s story across China and eventually around the world. Over the past month, the group has steadily grown. They have closely followed every move of Luoxi’s mother, publishing articles and videos across platforms, calling out in comment sections, and even paying out of pocket for promotions—all to counter omnipresent censorship.
Their actions extended offline as well. They launched campaigns to place slogans on cars and handbags, determined to carry Luoxi’s story to every corner of the city. They called government offices at all levels in Ningbo to lodge complaints, demanding justice. When related merchandise was taken down from e-commerce platforms, they even began printing and distributing slogans themselves.
As the “e-mothers” put it: “We don’t want to see another baby die in tears because of surgical errors. All we can do is keep bumping the posts and not let the heat fade.” And: “Even if unscrupulous people spread rumors and smears, you have tens of millions of e-parents behind you. You must hold on and see this through, until the wrongdoers are brought to justice.”
Their persistence ensured that the Luoxi case did not fade into silence like so many similar tragedies. Instead, one month later, it has evolved into a phenomenon-level public event, concentrating immense attention and anger.
Seeking Justice in a Rotten System
Despite the forensic conclusion, despite hundreds of millions of eyes watching and tens of millions of “e-mothers” standing in support, Luoxi’s parents still face a long road ahead—because they are confronting entrenched interest networks and a deeply decayed medical system.
One “e-mother” left a message that captured the shared sentiment of many:
“The impact of the Luoxi case on me outweighs everything I learned from the sages in the first half of my life. It woke me up. Living in what looks like a prosperous age, I don’t think I’ll ever again be moved to tears by media paeans to ‘peace and prosperity.’”
「上海：《悲惨世界》演出结束后观众起立齐唱著名反抗歌曲“Do you hear the people sing“（2025.12.13）」12月13日，在上海大剧院上演的音乐剧《悲惨世界》40周年纪念版音乐会结束后，部分观众突然起立唱起了 “Do you hear the people sing”
这首歌曾在香港”雨伞革命”与“反送中运动”中被反复传唱，成为了争取民主自由的抗议之歌，是香港社会运动的重要象征。 （部分视频来自X：@azhongsb）
「易力声大罢工结束：被国家机器与资本联合绞杀的“人矿”（2025.12.11-12）」
12月12日，广东深圳宝安区易力声工厂，随着最后一批工人无奈地走入工厂打卡复工，这场持续了八天、一度有三千人参与的大罢工宣告结束。正如这片土地上无数次发生的劳工抗争一样，这场起因于抵制变相裁员、牵动了海内外目光的集体行动，最终在强大的国家机器与资本利益的联合绞杀下，以工人的失败而告终。
工人被中共与资本联合绞杀
罢工的最后几天，工人们面临的压力达到了顶点。这股压力不再仅仅是经济上的窘迫，而是来自资方赤裸裸的威胁和公权力全方位的介入。12月10日，易力声公司发布了一份措辞严厉的“最后通碟”——《关于限期返岗复工及逾期处理决定的通知》。资方撕下了“管理人性化原则”的面具，挥舞起“开除”的大棒。通知明确声称，连续旷工超过三日或累计四日者将按自动离职处理，且不予任何经济补偿。为了彻底击溃工人的心理防线，公司还祭出了“胡萝卜加大棒”的策略：声明对于在12月12日13:30前“浪子回头”按时复工的员工，公司将“既往不咎”，其此前的缺勤不视同旷工。这一分化瓦解的策略很快奏效，工人们纷纷选择了妥协。
与此同时，中共开动国家机器，充当了资方最强有力的打手。首先，当局对工人们的发声通道实施了严密的封锁，在网络空间，工人们发现，他们的信息已经无法在几大社交平台上发出，过往的信息也已被删除一空。在舆论层面，没有任何中国媒体报道真相，试图接近现场的外媒记者也被“劝离”，工人彻底被孤立。在现实中，当局除了出动大量的警察在工厂门口拦截工人，抓捕工人，将工人关进所谓的“关爱职工”小屋限制人身自由外。还派遣警察和政府人员进入工人家中以及厂区，以“反诈普法”为名对工人进行威胁、恫吓，警告他们不得继续参与罢工。
最终，在中共与易力声的联合绞杀下，参与罢工的工人月来越少，到11日，仅有数十名工人还在工厂门口坚持。12日，在最后通牒的期限来临之前，这部分坚持到最后的工人，也被迫选择了放弃，罢工宣告结束。
失败后的工人：感到耻辱
在工人们的一个名为“坚持就是胜利”的维权微信群里，气氛沉重而压抑。这个群名在残酷的现实面前显得无比讽刺——在中国，坚持很多时候并不意味着胜利，从李旺阳到刘晓波，从高智晟到王炳章再到张展，从新疆到西藏再到香港，无数坚持者等来的往往是漫长的牢狱甚至死亡。
绝大部分工人对结果感到极度沮丧，一种深深的无力感和耻辱感在蔓延。有工人痛苦地表示：“搞了一个星期，每天早出晚归，还一分钱没有，倒贴上班，想想就不甘心。”还有工人对失败感到羞耻：“我抖音十几万粉丝都差不多知道我是易力声的，也知道我参与了，妈的，以后抖音都不敢发了。”
一位工人道出了大家的心声：“经历了这件事后，终于知道什么叫弱势群体的无助。”对于被迫复工，有人感叹：“不是怕损失，是心理得有承受能力，我感觉太折磨了，有时不是较真，而是为自己讨个公道。我被折磨的已经放弃了。”
面对失败，工人们只能互相打气：“至少我们努力坚持了，我们很优秀了。”更有工人直言：“人家偷猪脚都不丢脸，我们这样又不偷，又不抢，怕什么！”
中资与外资的反差更令工人心寒
就在不久前，同样位于珠三角的日资企业佳能在关闭工厂时，为被裁员工提供了高达2.3至2.5N+1的超额经济补偿。而作为中资企业的华勤技术在接手易力声后，不仅隐瞒股权变更事实，更企图通过“五天八小时”的手段变相裁员，以逃避最基本的法定赔偿。这一对比，进一步加深了工人们心中的寒意。
为什么中国工人的罢工注定艰难
易力声工人在没有外部支援的情况下坚持了整整八天，甚至一度通过集体行动迫使警方释放被捕工友，这已属不易。最终的失败，并非仅仅因为工人不够团结或策略失误，而是当前的制度所致，这是一场力量过于悬殊的对抗。
1.独立工会的缺失：由于中共政权明确不允许任何独立于党控制之外的工会组织存在，名义上的官方工会在劳资冲突中，往往扮演着维稳者甚至资方帮凶的角色。这就导致了工人在面对组织严密的资方和强大的国家机器时，一开始就处于绝对的劣势。在易力声罢工中，我们看到工人始终处于原子化的状态。他们无法选举出真正代表自己利益的谈判代表，无法形成统一的诉求，更无法进行持久的组织化动员。
2. 政权与资本共谋的“人矿”模式：在此次事件中，当局迅速而坚决地动用警力镇压维权工人，站队资方，这绝非偶然。中国“世界工厂”的崛起，本就建立在对数亿廉价劳动力——即所谓“人矿”——的极端压榨之上。为了维系这一模式，中共需要压低劳动力成本，确保“低人权优势”的投资环境。因此，一旦工人的维权行动危及这一模式，自诩为“工人阶级先锋队”的中共政权，便会毫不犹豫地撕下面纱，动用专政机器扑灭反抗。
如今，易力声大罢工的硝烟已经散去，工人们带着疲惫和伤痕重新回到了流水线。在中共政权现有的体制下，绝大多数类似的底层抗争，注定难以逃脱失败的宿命。但失败并非毫无意义。八天的坚持，是三千名劳动者对命运不公发出的怒吼，是作为“人”在被异化为机器零件时，出于本能的一次悲壮反抗。它再次撕开了“盛世”的表象，将中国经济奇迹背后那鲜血淋漓的劳工血泪，残酷地展现在世人面前。
“Yilisheng General Strike Ends: ‘Human Mine’ Jointly Crushed by State and Capital (Dec 11–12, 2025)”
On December 12, at the Yilisheng factory in Bao’an District, Shenzhen, Guangdong, the last batch of workers reluctantly clocked in and returned to work, marking the end of an eight-day general strike that had involved as many as 3,000 participants. Like countless labor struggles on this land, this collective action—sparked by resistance to disguised layoffs and attracting attention both domestically and internationally—ultimately ended in failure under the joint crushing force of the powerful state machinery and capital interests.
Workers Crushed by the CCP and Capital
In the final days of the strike, the pressure on the workers reached its peak. This pressure was no longer merely economic hardship but included naked threats from management and comprehensive intervention by state authorities. On December 10, Yilisheng issued a sharply worded “final notice”—Decision on Deadline for Returning to Work and Handling of Overdue Cases. Management tore off the mask of “humane management” and wielded the stick of dismissal. The notice explicitly stated that employees who were absent for more than three consecutive days, or a total of four days, would be treated as having resigned voluntarily, with no economic compensation.
To completely break the workers’ morale, the company also employed a “carrot and stick” approach: those who returned to work on time by 13:30 on December 12 would have their past absences forgiven. This divisive tactic quickly worked, and many workers chose to compromise.
Meanwhile, the CCP mobilized state machinery to act as the strongest enforcer for the company. Workers’ channels of communication were strictly blocked; online, they found that their messages could no longer be posted on major social media platforms, and previous posts had been deleted. In terms of media coverage, no Chinese outlets reported the truth, and foreign journalists attempting to reach the scene were “persuaded to leave,” leaving workers completely isolated. On the ground, authorities deployed large numbers of police at factory entrances to intercept and arrest workers, confining them in so-called “employee care” rooms that restricted their freedom. Police and government personnel also visited workers’ homes and the factory under the guise of “anti-fraud legal education,” threatening and intimidating them not to continue participating in the strike.
Ultimately, under the joint crushing of the CCP and Yilisheng, the number of striking workers dwindled day by day. By December 11, only a few dozen workers remained outside the factory gates. On the 12th, before the deadline of the final notice, these last strikers were forced to give up, and the strike was officially over.
Workers After the Defeat: Feeling Humiliated
In a workers’ rights WeChat group ironically named “Persistence is Victory,” the atmosphere was heavy and oppressive. The group name now seemed tragically ironic—in China, persistence often does not equal victory. From Li Wangyang to Liu Xiaobo, from Gao Zhisheng to Wang Bingzhang to Zhang Zhan, from Xinjiang to Tibet to Hong Kong, countless persistent individuals have faced long imprisonment or even death.
Most workers expressed extreme frustration, with a deep sense of powerlessness and shame spreading among them. One worker lamented, “We’ve been at it for a week, working early and late every day, yet we haven’t earned a cent and even had to spend our own money to get to work. It’s infuriating.” Another expressed shame over the failure: “Almost all my TikTok followers know I’m from Yilisheng and that I participated. Damn it, now I don’t dare post on TikTok anymore.”
One worker voiced what many felt: “After this experience, I finally understood what it means to be helpless as a vulnerable group.” Regarding being forced to return to work, another said, “It’s not that I fear loss, it’s that you need the psychological endurance. It’s torturing—sometimes it’s not about being right, it’s about seeking justice for yourself. I’ve been tortured into giving up.”
In the face of defeat, workers could only encourage each other: “At least we tried our best and held on. That’s already something to be proud of.” Some bluntly remarked, “Those who steal pigs’ feet don’t feel ashamed—what are we afraid of, we neither steal nor rob!”
The Contrast Between Chinese and Foreign Capital Chills Workers
Not long ago, Japanese company Canon, also in the Pearl River Delta, provided employees being laid off with a generous severance of 2.3 to 2.5N+1 upon factory closure. In contrast, as a Chinese-owned company, Huaqin Technology, after taking over Yilisheng, not only concealed the change in ownership but also attempted to implement disguised layoffs via “five days, eight hours” to evade basic statutory compensation. This contrast deepened workers’ sense of bitterness.
Why Strikes Are Doomed for Chinese Workers
Yilisheng workers persisted for eight full days without external support and even managed, for a time, to force the police to release arrested colleagues—an achievement in itself. Their ultimate defeat, however, was not merely due to a lack of solidarity or strategic errors, but the result of the current system: a confrontation with an overwhelming power imbalance.
Today, the smoke of the Yilisheng general strike has cleared, and workers have returned to the assembly lines, exhausted and scarred. Under the current CCP system, most grassroots struggles like this are doomed to fail. Yet failure is not meaningless. Eight days of persistence represent the outcry of 3,000 laborers against an unjust fate—a tragic act of human resistance when turned into mere machine parts. It once again tears open the veneer of the “prosperous era,” brutally exposing the blood and tears of laborers behind China’s economic miracle to the world.
「易力声罢工持续一周，工人团结施压迫当局释放被捕工友（2025.12.09–10）」截至周三（12月10日）中午，尽管承受着来自各方的巨大压力，广东深圳易力声工人始于上周四的“抵制变相裁员”行动仍在持续。周二白天，多名工人曾遭到警察抓捕。直至当晚，在工人们集体围堵工厂大门、长时间施压后，被抓捕的工人才最终获释。
周一，易力声发布了《关于考勤管理的补充说明》，称：“连续旷工超过三日者，或累计旷工四日者，以及一年内因违反公司人力资源管理制度被书面警告累计达到三次者，将视为自动离职，且不予任何赔偿。” 意图胁迫工人复工。
该声明发布后，部分工人迫于生计压力复工，但仍有大量工人顶住高压，于周二继续罢工，并聚集在工厂大门附近抗议。据工人透露，当局当天出动大批警察试图强行驱散人群，殴打工人并当场抓捕了多名维权者。现场视频还显示，当天曾有数名外国记者在现场拍照，但随即遭到警察驱赶。
当晚，局势陡然升级。上千名愤怒的工人集体围堵了工厂大门，高喊口号，要求警察立即释放被抓同伴。在持续对峙后，迫于工人强大的集体压力，当局最终释放了全部被抓捕人员，抗议人群才陆续散去。截至周三中午，工人的罢工行动仍在持续。
众所周知，中国没有独立工会，这直接导致中国工人的抗争行动往往一开始便处于一种“地狱模式”。无法建立组织，无法公开研讨对策，更难以形成稳定、持续的行动网络。即便是微信群这种最基本的沟通工具，也时刻面临封号与解散的风险。在这种情况下，工人的集体行动最终会被迫走向“原子化”，甚至连诉求也无法统一。许多罢工只能依赖临时聚集、口头传播或线下单独联络来维系；一旦组织者被抓捕，行动便迅速陷入瘫痪。因此，在中共与资方的双重压制下，中国工人运动鲜有成功先例，这也是中国劳工长期被迫接受低薪与超长工时的根本原因。
在这一现实背景下，易力声工人不仅在多重高压下连续罢工数日，还在骨干被抓捕后迅速以集体行动施压，成功迫使当局当场放人，这种情况在近年来的中国工运中极为罕见。因此，不论此次易力声工人的罢工行动将来是成功还是失败，他们的坚持本身已极具突破意义。
“Yilisheng Strike Enters Its Second Week: Workers’ Unity Forces Authorities to Release Detained Colleagues (2025.12.09–10)”
As of noon on Wednesday (December 10), despite immense pressure from all sides, the “resistance against disguised layoffs” launched last Thursday by workers at Yilisheng in Shenzhen, Guangdong, is still ongoing. During the daytime on Tuesday, several workers were detained by the police. It was not until that evening—after workers collectively blockaded the factory gates and maintained prolonged pressure—that the detained workers were finally released.
On Monday, Yilisheng issued a “Supplementary Explanation on Attendance Management,” stating: “Those who are absent from work continuously for more than three days, or cumulatively absent for four days; as well as those who receive three written warnings within one year for violations of the company’s human resources management regulations, will be deemed to have voluntarily resigned, and no compensation will be granted.” This move was clearly intended to coerce workers into returning to work.
After the statement was released, some workers, under pressure to make a living, returned to work. However, a large number of workers continued to withstand the pressure and carried on the strike on Tuesday, gathering near the factory gates to protest. According to workers, the authorities deployed a large number of police that day in an attempt to forcibly disperse the crowd, beating workers and detaining multiple rights-defending protesters on the spot. Videos from the scene also show that several foreign journalists were present taking photographs that day, but were quickly driven away by the police.
That night, the situation escalated sharply. More than a thousand enraged workers collectively blockaded the factory gates, chanting slogans and demanding the immediate release of their detained comrades. After a prolonged standoff, under the powerful collective pressure of the workers, the authorities ultimately released all of those who had been detained. Only then did the protesting crowd gradually disperse. As of noon on Wednesday, the strike was still ongoing.
As is well known, there are no independent labor unions in China. This directly means that Chinese workers’ struggles often begin in what can only be described as “hell mode.” They are unable to establish organizations, unable to openly discuss strategies, and even less able to form stable, sustained networks of collective action. Even something as basic as a WeChat group—the most elementary communication tool—constantly faces the risk of being shut down or dissolved. Under such conditions, workers’ collective actions are ultimately forced toward “atomization,” and even their demands cannot be unified. Many strikes can only be maintained through temporary gatherings, word-of-mouth communication, or individual offline contacts. Once organizers are detained, the movement quickly falls into paralysis. Therefore, under the dual repression of the Chinese Communist Party and capital, China’s labor movement has seen very few successful precedents. This is also the fundamental reason why Chinese workers have long been forced to accept low wages and excessively long working hours.
Against this broader reality, the Yilisheng workers not only managed to sustain their strike for several consecutive days under multiple layers of pressure, but also, after their key members were detained, swiftly exerted pressure through collective action and successfully forced the authorities to release them on the spot. Such a development is extremely rare in China’s labor movement in recent years. Therefore, regardless of whether the Yilisheng workers’ strike ultimately succeeds or fails, their persistence itself already carries profound breakthrough significance.
「深圳易力声3000工人重启罢工：否认“贪心要加班”，直指变相裁员（2025.12.08）」经过周末两天的休整后，广东深圳易力声科技有限公司的3000名工人本周一继续罢工。期间，愤怒的工人一度走上街头表达抗议，但很快遭到警察拦截。另据工人透露，在此前的维权行动中，多名工人遭到当地警察恐吓并试图让他们放弃罢工。
这场大规模工人抗争始于2025年12月4日。当天，深圳易力声科技有限公司约3000名一线员工集体停工，聚集在工厂大门附近，抗议公司以“长期低薪”的方式变相裁员。罢工持续两天后进入周末，工人在短暂休整的同时，也对外界舆论作出集中回应，公开发布《易力声员工联合声明》，澄清维权并非“索要加班”，而是为讨薪、讨尊严、讨知情权。
员工澄清：不是要加班，而是反对“隐性裁员”
针对网络上流传的“罢工索要加班”的说法，员工在联合声明中明确否认，指出工人的核心诉求绝非追求额外的加班时长，而是反对公司借产能转移和股权变更之机，进行“隐性裁员”和压迫。
据工人们透露，早在2024年母公司被收购前，易力声就开始将深圳工厂的核心生产订单向越南转移。截至2025年11月，深圳厂区产能已缩减超过60%，曾经繁忙的产线如今仅保留了一款苹果蓝牙耳机的生产。
产能的被架空直接导致了严重的“僧多粥少”局面。公司随后推出“5天8小时”工作制，成为了引爆此次罢工的导火索。对于长期依赖“基本工资+加班费”维持生计的一线工人而言，这一制度意味着收入瞬间腰斩。
声明强调，在深圳这样的一线城市，仅按2750元/月的标准发放基本工资，工人实际到手仅2000元左右，根本无法覆盖房租和基本生活开支。工人们认为，这并非公司经营困难，而是刻意通过制造无法生存的低薪环境，“合法合规”地逼迫老员工主动离职，从而规避法定“N+1”经济补偿。
股权变更被长期隐瞒，员工知情权遭漠视
此外，声明还揭露了公司对重大股权变更的隐瞒。2024年下半年，华勤技术完成了对易力声母公司的控股收购，但这一关乎数千名员工命运的重大变动，全程未向员工告知，直到2025年11月员工才偶然发现。工人们认为，这种漠视员工知情权的行为，进一步印证了公司试图低成本清理人员的意图。
双重压力下的艰难维权：警察上门与公司威胁
最后，声明还透露，在此前维权期间，多名员工曾在半夜遭遇警察上门以普法、反诈名义进行恐吓，导致工人们人心惶惶。除了来自当局的压力之外，易力声也不停对工人施加压力。有工人爆料，公司内部群已下达指令，要求所有员工必须到岗，否则将按旷工处理。更为恶劣的是，在本周一上午罢工重启时，公司竟出动人员阻止工人进行刷卡操作，意图人为制造工人“旷工”的事实，为后续的处罚或解雇制造借口。
员工呼吁：要的是尊严、保障与公正
在联合声明的最后，员工表示，他们并不反对企业进行全球化布局，也不反对产业转移，但无法接受以牺牲老员工权益为代价的“隐性裁员”。员工呼吁社会各界关注事件真相，督促企业与华勤控股正面回应核心诉求：公示产能转移与股权变更的完整方案，按法律规定给予被影响员工合理经济补偿，明确深圳基地的岗位保障措施。
此外，尽管当局出动警察威胁工人并大量删除工人发布到网络上的信息，不少工人仍顶住压力，在网络上表达了坚决维权的决心。截至8日下午，工人的维权行动还在持续。
中共再次站在了劳工的对立面
不出意外，在此次易力声罢工事件中，自称“代表工农利益”的中共，再一次精准地站到了工人权益的对立面。面对企业通过转移产能、恶意压低工资、逼迫员工离职等一整套所谓“合法化裁员”操作，当局不仅没有介入调查企业是否侵权违法，反而第一时间选择出动警察，对维权工人进行恐吓、拦截与驱赶，同时启动审查机器，对工人在网络上发布的求助信息进行大规模封杀。
近年来，从富士康到比亚迪再到外卖骑手等一系列重大劳工维权事件中可以清楚看到，中共几乎一次不落地站在了资本一方，而不是工人一边。这并非偶然失误，而是赤裸裸的利益选择。一个在现实行动中长期背离其所宣称的“阶级基础”、系统性打压劳动者正当权益、没有任何合法性的政权，也终将被历史所清算。
Shenzhen Yilisheng: 3,000 Workers Resume Strike, Deny “Greedy Overtime Demands,” Point to Disguised Layoffs
(2025.12.08)
After two days of rest over the weekend, 3,000 workers at Shenzhen Yilisheng Technology Co., Ltd. resumed their strike on Monday. During the protest, angry workers briefly took to the streets to voice their demands but were quickly blocked by police. Workers also reported that during earlier rights-defense actions, several employees were intimidated by local police in attempts to force them to abandon the strike.
This large-scale labor struggle began on December 4, 2025. On that day, approximately 3,000 frontline workers at Shenzhen Yilisheng collectively stopped work and gathered outside the factory gates, protesting the company’s use of “long-term low wages” as a form of disguised layoffs. After two days of striking, the action entered the weekend. During their brief rest, workers issued a unified public response to outside opinion by releasing the “Joint Statement of Yilisheng Employees,” clarifying that their protest was not about “demanding more overtime,” but about fighting for unpaid wages, dignity, and the right to know.
Workers Clarify: Not Demanding Overtime, but Opposing “Hidden Layoffs”
In response to online rumors claiming that the strike was about demanding more overtime, the employees explicitly refuted this in their joint statement. They stressed that their core demand is not to pursue more overtime hours, but to oppose the company’s use of production transfers and ownership changes to carry out “hidden layoffs” and systematic pressure on workers.
According to workers, even before the parent company was acquired in 2024, Yilisheng had already begun shifting key production orders from Shenzhen to Vietnam. By November 2025, production capacity at the Shenzhen facility had been reduced by more than 60%. What was once a busy production line now retains only the manufacturing of a single Apple Bluetooth headset product.
The hollowing out of production capacity directly created a severe situation where “too many workers compete for too little work.” The company subsequently introduced a “five-day, eight-hour” work schedule, which became the direct trigger for this strike. For frontline workers who have long relied on a combination of base pay and overtime wages to survive, this policy meant their income was instantly cut in half.
The statement emphasized that in a first-tier city like Shenzhen, a base wage of only 2,750 yuan per month leaves workers with take-home pay of around 2,000 yuan—far from sufficient to cover rent and basic living expenses. Workers believe this is not due to business difficulties, but rather a deliberate attempt to create an unsustainable low-wage environment to force veteran employees to resign “legally and compliantly,” thereby evading the statutory “N+1” severance compensation.
Ownership Change Concealed for a Long Time, Workers’ Right to Know Ignored
The statement also exposed the company’s concealment of a major ownership change. In the second half of 2024, Huaqin Technology completed a controlling acquisition of Yilisheng’s parent company. However, this major development—one that directly affected the fate of thousands of workers—was never disclosed to employees. It was not until November 2025 that workers discovered it by chance. Workers believe this disregard for their right to know further confirms the company’s intention to clear its workforce at minimal cost.
Rights Defense Under Dual Pressure: Police Visits and Company Threats
Finally, the statement revealed that during earlier rights-defense actions, several workers were visited by police late at night under the pretext of legal education and anti-fraud campaigns, effectively intimidating them and spreading fear among employees. In addition to pressure from authorities, Yilisheng has continuously exerted pressure on its workers. Some employees reported that internal company groups issued orders requiring all workers to report to work immediately, otherwise they would be treated as absent without leave.
Even more egregiously, when the strike resumed on Monday morning, the company reportedly deployed personnel to block workers from clocking in, attempting to deliberately fabricate “absenteeism” records in order to create grounds for later punishment or dismissal.
Workers’ Appeal: Dignity, Security, and Justice
In the final part of the joint statement, workers said they do not oppose corporate globalization or industrial relocation. What they cannot accept is “hidden layoffs” carried out at the expense of veteran employees’ rights. They called on all sectors of society to pay attention to the truth of the incident and to urge the company and Huaqin Holdings to directly respond to their core demands:
Moreover, despite police intimidation and the large-scale deletion of workers’ online posts by authorities, many workers have continued to withstand the pressure and express their determination to defend their rights online. As of the afternoon of the 8th, the workers’ rights-defense action was still ongoing.
The CCP Once Again Stands Against Labor
As expected, in the Yilisheng strike, the Chinese Communist Party—despite claiming to “represent the interests of workers and peasants”—has once again positioned itself squarely against workers’ rights. Faced with the company’s use of production transfers, wage suppression, and forced resignations through so-called “legalized layoffs,” the authorities did not investigate whether the company violated labor laws. Instead, they immediately dispatched police to intimidate, block, and disperse striking workers, while simultaneously activating censorship mechanisms to carry out large-scale suppression of workers’ online appeals for help.
In recent years, from Foxconn to BYD, and from J&T Express to food delivery riders, nearly every major labor rights movement has shown the same pattern: the CCP consistently stands on the side of capital rather than labor. This is not an accidental mistake, but a naked choice of interests. A regime that systematically suppresses workers’ legitimate rights, while long betraying the “class foundation” it claims to represent, has already lost any basis of legitimacy—and will ultimately be judged by history.
「深圳易力声3000人大罢工，工人为何要抵制“5天8小时”（2025.12.04-05）」周四（12月4日）起，位于广东深圳宝安区的易力声科技有限公司爆发大规模集体抗争行动。约3000名一线工人集体罢工，抗议公司长期实行“五天八小时”工作制。截至12月5日上午，工人的抗争行动仍在继续。
工人为何要抵制“5天8小时”工作制？
“五天八小时”本是国际通行的劳动标准，也是无数劳动者梦寐以求的工作节奏。但在易力声，工人们却为了反对它走上罢工——难道工人不喜欢休息？当然不是。
据多名工人透露，自2025年10月易力声取消加班以来，在扣除社保、公积金后，他们每月到手工资不足2000元，甚至低于深圳最低工资标准。根据深圳市政府2025年3月1日开始实施的标准，全日制就业劳动者最低工资标准不得低于2520元/月。
易力声曾是著名的“万人大厂”，因女性员工众多而被称为“女儿国”。随着产业转移和工厂规模收缩，如今只剩下约3000名员工，许多当年的年轻女工已步入中年，肩负着沉重的家庭负担。“在深圳，一个月两千块钱连自己都养不活，怎么养家？”对她们而言，加班费是维持生存所必须的口粮。
罢工导火索：长期“5天8小时”公告
12月3日，易力声公司发布的一则公告成为了此次大罢工的导火索。公告称受海外需求疲软影响，核心客户订单减少约20%，决定未来几个月继续维持“五天八小时”工作制，暂无加班安排。作为补偿，公司仅承诺在十二月为未加班的员工发放200-300元不等的一次性生活补助。
这则通知彻底点燃了工人的怒火。据工人透露，早在2024年，易力声母公司香港易路达国际的股权就已发生重大变更，其80%的股份被华勤技术收购，但公司并没有在易主后对工人作出赔偿。工人们认为，所谓“订单减少”，不过是订单向越南工厂转移。长期实行5天8小时，目的是以低薪逼走工人，逃避法定的N+1遣散费。“厂里用五天八小时的方式来耗着我们，想让我们自己走人，不想赔钱，”一位工人愤怒地表示。公司此时严格执行“国际标准”，并非为了员工福祉，而是将原本保护劳工的条款“武器化”，作为逼退员工的合法手段。
12月4日上午，罢工爆发，数千名工人聚集在工厂大门附近，阻拦了拉货车辆，高喊“赔钱、坚持”等口号。期间，一名工人与保安发生冲突，警察在试图抓走该工人时一度被围堵。工人们的诉求非常明确：要么恢复正常的加班以保障基本收入，要么就按照工龄进行合法赔偿。
僵局持续：工人坚持核心诉求
面对压力，易力声公司于4日下午发布通知，声称经与“部分员工代表”商讨，提高了未来几个月的月补贴标准至400-500元，并承诺在12月和明年1月有限增加周末加班工时，同时强硬要求员工于5日早8点前复工，否则按旷工处理。
然而，这份新提议遭到工人一致抵制。他们认为几百元的补贴杯水车薪，且对公司承诺的加班表示强烈不信任。更重要的是，工人们否认了所谓“员工代表”的合法性，因为他们并没有经过员工推选，而是易力声自行选定的。工人们仍坚持自己的诉求，要么恢复正常的加班以保障基本收入，要么就按照工龄进行合法赔偿。截至5日中午，工人们的抗争还在继续。
此次易力声罢工事件，也暴露了中国制造业工人面临的普遍困境：他们的生存高度依赖“超时劳动”。许多工厂为了控制成本并确保赶工能力，刻意将正常工作时间的薪资压低至仅能糊口的水平，迫使工人为了获取更高工资，而不得不接受长时间工作。而当企业将“遵守8小时工作制”作为变相裁员的工具时，工人们为了最低的生存底线，被迫陷入了抵制休息权、争取“加班权”的悲壮抗争中。毕竟，如果基本工资足以维持体面生活，没有人愿意每天工作12小时做“牛马”。
Shenzhen Yilisheng 3,000-Worker Strike: Why Are Workers Resisting the “Five-Day, Eight-Hour” Workweek?(Dec 4–5, 2025)
Starting Thursday, December 4, a large-scale labor action broke out at Yilisheng Technology Co., Ltd., located in Bao’an District, Shenzhen, Guangdong. Around 3,000 frontline workers went on strike, protesting the company’s long-term enforcement of the “five-day, eight-hour” workweek. As of the morning of December 5, the workers’ protest was still ongoing.
Why Are Workers Resisting the “Five-Day, Eight-Hour” Workweek?
The five-day, eight-hour workweek is an internationally recognized labor standard and a work schedule many employees dream of. But at Yilisheng, workers went on strike to oppose it—does this mean they dislike rest? Certainly not.
According to multiple workers, since Yilisheng canceled overtime in October 2025, after deductions for social insurance and housing fund contributions, their take-home pay has dropped below 2,000 yuan per month—below Shenzhen’s minimum wage. According to the Shenzhen municipal government, as of March 1, 2025, the minimum monthly wage for full-time employees is 2,520 yuan.
Yilisheng was once a well-known “10,000-worker factory,” often called a “women’s kingdom” because of its high proportion of female employees. As production shifted and the factory downsized, it now employs only around 3,000 people. Many of the former young female workers are now middle-aged with heavy family responsibilities. “In Shenzhen, 2,000 yuan a month isn’t even enough to support yourself—how can you support your family?” For them, overtime pay is not a bonus—it is a lifeline.
Trigger: Announcement of Continued “Five-Day, Eight-Hour” Schedule
On December 3, the company issued a notice that became the spark for the strike. It stated that due to weak overseas demand, core client orders had dropped by around 20%, and the five-day, eight-hour schedule would continue in the coming months, with no overtime arranged. As compensation, the company promised a one-time allowance of 200–300 yuan for daily-wage employees who did not work overtime in December.
This announcement ignited workers’ anger. Workers noted that as early as 2024, the parent company—Hong Kong Yiluda International—underwent a major ownership change, with 80% of shares acquired by Huaqin Technology, yet no compensation was provided to employees. Workers believe the so-called “order reduction” is actually a shift of production to factories in Vietnam. Maintaining the five-day, eight-hour schedule is a tactic to push employees out at low pay, avoiding legally mandated N+1 severance. “The factory is using the eight-hour schedule to wear us down, hoping we quit on our own—they don’t want to pay,” one worker said angrily. The strict enforcement of “international standards” is not for employee welfare, but a legal tool to force out workers.
Strike Erupts: Thousands Block Factory Gate
On the morning of December 4, thousands of workers gathered at the factory gate, blocked delivery vehicles, and chanted slogans such as “Pay us, we insist.” During the protest, a worker clashed with security, and police attempting to detain him were temporarily blocked by fellow workers. The workers’ demands are clear: either restore normal overtime to ensure basic income or provide lawful severance according to years of service.
Standoff Continues: Workers Hold Firm
Under pressure, Yilisheng issued a notice on the afternoon of December 4, claiming that after consulting “some employee representatives,” monthly allowances would be increased to 400–500 yuan for the coming months, and limited weekend overtime would be added in December and January. Employees were also required to return by 8 a.m. on December 5, or face disciplinary action for absenteeism.
The workers unanimously rejected this proposal. They consider a few hundred yuan insufficient, mistrust the promised overtime, and do not recognize the so-called “employee representatives,” who were selected by the company rather than elected by staff. Workers continue to insist on their demands: either restore normal overtime to ensure basic income or provide lawful severance according to years of service. As of midday December 5, the protest was still ongoing.
A Broader Picture: The Plight of Manufacturing Workers in China
The Yilisheng strike also highlights a broader issue faced by China’s manufacturing workers: their livelihood heavily relies on “overtime labor.” Many factories deliberately suppress regular wages to bare-minimum levels to control costs and meet production targets, forcing workers to accept long hours to earn enough to survive. When companies weaponize compliance with the eight-hour workweek as a tool for de facto layoffs, workers must fight to defend their basic survival, often resisting rest in order to demand “overtime rights.” After all, if basic wages were sufficient for a decent life, no one would willingly work 12 hours a day like a “beast of burden.”
「云贵反强制火葬运动继续蔓延：遵义2000农民力阻抢尸队（2025.12.03）」持续在中国西南云贵高原蔓延的农民反强制火葬运动，本周迎来了新的爆发点。本周三（12月3日），在贵州省遵义市正安县和溪镇桑坝村，一场传统的土葬仪式演变为一场大规模抗争事件。约两千名闻讯赶来的村民聚集在一起，组成了庞大的护葬队伍，与试图强行带走逝者遗体的政府人员发生冲突，并最终成功将逝者入土为安。
积怨已久，“榜样”力量点燃怒火
知情者表示，正安县多年来一直以高压方式执行强制火葬政策。对当地农民来说，这项政策不仅违背“入土为安”的传统理念，也带来额外的经济负担。长期以来，村民们虽心怀不满，却因行政力量强势而只能选择忍耐。然而，局势在今年底出现了转折。上月初开始，邻省云南昭通镇雄县，以及贵州贵阳市息烽县的多地农村，相继爆发了大规模且激烈的反强制火葬运动。在这些地区的抗争中，甚至出现了县长被愤怒的村民围堵、以及政府人员戴孝下跪等鼓舞人心的事件。
消息传到正安县，也极大地鼓舞了当地村民。特别是11月末的消息显示，在镇雄和息烽等地连续发生的数次大规模护送行动中，当地政府并未像往常一样强硬阻拦，执法人员似乎暂时退却。这让正安村民意识到，曾经看似不可撼动的政策，并非坚不可摧。
两千人集结，成功土葬
近日，正安县和溪镇桑坝村一位村民去世后，家属决定冲破禁令，于12月3日为逝者举行传统的土葬仪式。消息迅速传开，周边村庄的农民纷纷赶来声援。据目击者称，当天现场聚集了约2000人，声势浩大。和往常一样，当地政府派遣了政府工作人员和殡葬车辆到达现场，计划将遗体强行拉走火化。不过，他们显然低估了民众的规模和抵抗的决心。
在土葬起灵仪式开始前，现场气氛已极为紧张。一名抗争组织者公开向在场村民喊话：“如果他敢来抓丧，你们就敢跟我弄他！”这番话极大地提振了在场民众抵抗到底的决心。
冲突随即爆发。面对数千名情绪激动的村民，人数处于绝对劣势的政府抢尸人员迅速落了下风，在短暂的推搡和对峙后，被迫放弃了抢夺遗体的行动并撤离现场。随后，气势如虹的护葬队伍一路护送棺木抵达坟地，顺利完成了下葬仪式。
抗争浪潮蔓延，强制火葬政策正在土崩瓦解
正安县桑坝村的成功抗争，迅速通过网络在周边地区引发强烈反响。许多邻近县市的村民在网上留言声援，甚至有人亲自驾车前往现场观摩，学习“经验”。接连不断的成功案例，让至今仍在实行强制火葬地区的农民看到了改变的希望。有网友透露，邻近正安县的道真县、绥阳县等地，民间也正在酝酿策划类似的抵制行动。
从2024年贵州金沙、安龙、平塘、再到如今的息烽、正安以及云南镇雄，云贵地区的反强制火葬运动已呈燎原之势，这项在云贵高原实行了二十余年的强制政策，如今正在迅速的土崩瓦解。这些成功的案例形成了强大的示范效应，预计未来将会有更多地区的农民起来抗争。
“Anti–Forced Cremation Movement Continues to Spread Across Yunnan–Guizhou:2,000 Farmers in Zunyi Block Government Body-Seizure Team (Dec. 3, 2025)”
The wave of rural resistance against forced cremation that has been spreading across the Yunnan–Guizhou Plateau erupted at a new flashpoint this week. On Wednesday (December 3), in Sangba Village of Hexi Town, Zheng’an County, Zunyi City, Guizhou Province, a traditional burial ceremony escalated into a large-scale confrontation. Around 2,000 villagers rushed to the scene, forming a massive funeral defense line to block government personnel attempting to seize the body for cremation. The villagers ultimately succeeded in ensuring the deceased was buried according to local customs.
Years of resentment, and a “model effect” that ignited anger
According to local sources, Zheng’an County has enforced forced cremation with a heavy hand for many years. For farmers in the region, the policy not only violates the deeply held belief in “returning to the earth,” but also imposes added financial burdens. Although villagers have long harbored discontent, they have felt compelled to endure it due to the strength of administrative enforcement.
But this situation shifted toward the end of this year. Since early November, multiple rural areas in Zhenxiong County in Yunnan Province and Xifeng County in Guiyang, Guizhou, have erupted in large-scale and intense resistance movements against forced cremation. These protests have produced striking scenes in which angry villagers cornered county officials, and government personnel were forced to kneel while wearing mourning cloths—events that widely inspired others across the region.
News of these confrontations quickly reached Zheng’an County and significantly boosted local morale. Reports that, in late November, officials in Zhenxiong and Xifeng backed down during several large-scale funeral defense actions convinced Zheng’an villagers that a policy once seen as unshakeable was not, in fact, invincible.
Two thousand villagers gather and secure a successful burial
After a resident of Sangba Village passed away recently, the family decided to defy the ban and hold a traditional burial on December 3. Word spread quickly, and farmers from surrounding villages rushed to support them. Witnesses estimated that roughly 2,000 people gathered at the scene.
As usual, local authorities dispatched staff members and funeral vehicles, intending to seize the body for cremation. But they had clearly underestimated both the size of the crowd and the villagers’ determination.
Before the burial procession began, tensions were already extremely high. One organizer shouted to the gathered crowd, “If they dare to seize the body, you follow me and we’ll stop them!” The declaration significantly strengthened the villagers’ resolve.
Conflict broke out shortly afterward. Outnumbered by thousands of agitated villagers, the government’s “body seizure team” quickly lost control. After brief pushing and confrontation, officials were forced to abandon their attempt and withdraw. The villagers then escorted the coffin to the burial site, completing the ceremony without further interference.
A spreading wave of resistance: the forced cremation system begins to crumble
The successful defense in Zheng’an County spread rapidly across local social networks, generating strong reactions in neighboring regions. Residents from nearby counties left messages expressing support, and some even drove to the village to observe the event and “learn from the experience.” A succession of victories has given farmers in other areas still under strict cremation enforcement renewed hope for change. Some online users reported that residents in neighboring Daozhen County and Suiyang County are already planning similar actions.
From the 2024 incidents in Guizhou’s Jinsha, Anlong, and Pingtang counties, to the more recent confrontations in Xifeng, Zheng’an, and Zhenxiong in Yunnan, the anti–forced cremation movement across the Yunnan–Guizhou Plateau has grown into a prairie fire. A policy enforced in parts of the region for more than two decades now appears increasingly unstable. These successive victories have generated a powerful demonstration effect, and many believe more rural communities will rise up in the coming weeks and months.
「贵州“反强制火葬”运动升级：镇长抢尸被擒后戴孝下跪（2025.11.28）」本周五，贵州贵阳息烽县持续了近一个月的“反强制火葬运动”再度爆发激烈冲突。包括一名镇长在内的三名政府工作人员，在试图强行抢夺遗体、并殴打逝者家属后，被愤怒的村民当场扣留。为避免挨打，三人最终戴上孝布，并在逝者棺木前下跪。
据村民透露，11月28日上午，息烽县西山镇联合村杉树坪，家属及村民在抬送一名逝者灵柩下葬途中，遭到多名政府人员和殡仪馆工作人员的拦截。政府人员要求家属交出遗体，拉到殡仪馆实施火化。然而，村民表示，死者家属持有合法土葬手续，并没有任何违规。
双方在争执中爆发肢体冲突，导致一名家属受伤。愤怒的村民随即扣留了包括镇长、支书在内的多名政府人员，并砸毁了车窗玻璃。之后，消息迅速在当地扩散，大量周边村民迅速集结，现场人数达到了数百人。
根据村民拍摄的视频，包括镇长在内的三名男子被押至棺木前，被要求以“孝子”身份下跪，并按当地习俗给他们戴上了代表孝子的白色孝布。讽刺的是，面对村民的喝斥与嘲讽，这些平日里高高在上的政府人员，非常顺从地完成了村民的要求。不过，其他政府人员却在此期间趁乱逃走。最终，在承诺不再继续封路阻拦村民后，这几名政府人员才被允许离开，但所有随行车辆均被村民扣留。
据现场网友透露，29日上午，在政府承诺将赔偿伤者医疗费用后，逝者已被下葬。现场视频显示，当天中午，被扣留的一辆红旗轿车已经被村民推下公路。
自本月初以来，贵州息烽与云南镇雄两地农民接连发起大规模“反强制火葬运动”，反对地方政府推行的强制火化政策。在此期间，两地村民和政府人员发生过多次冲突，息烽县副县长亦曾被村民围堵。在息烽县石垌镇木杉村，数千村民为防止政府人员“偷尸”，已在墓地轮流值守超过二十天，至今仍在坚守。
“Guizhou’s Anti-Forced Cremation Movement Escalates: Township Head Captured After Trying to Seize a Body, Forced to Wear Mourning Cloth and Kneel (2025.11.28)”
On Friday, in Xifeng County of Guiyang, Guizhou, the month-long anti-forced cremation movement once again erupted into violent confrontation. Three government officials — including the township head — were seized on the spot by enraged villagers after attempting to forcibly take a deceased person’s body and assaulting family members. To avoid being beaten, the three were ultimately made to wear white mourning cloths and kneel before the coffin.
According to villagers, on the morning of November 28, in Shanshuping, Lianhe Village of Xishan Town, family members and villagers were carrying a coffin to the burial site when they were blocked by several government officials and funeral-home workers. The officials demanded that the family hand over the body and transport it to the funeral home for cremation. Villagers, however, said the family possessed legal approval for a traditional burial and had violated no regulations.
A physical clash broke out during the dispute, injuring one family member. Furious, villagers detained several government personnel — including the township head and the Party branch secretary — and smashed the windows of their vehicle. The incident quickly spread through the community, and villagers from surrounding areas rapidly gathered, swelling the crowd to several hundred people.
Videos taken by villagers show three men — including the township head — being brought before the coffin. They were forced to kneel as “mourning sons,” and white mourning cloths were tied to their heads according to local customs. Ironically, despite their usual authority, the officials complied obediently amid villagers’ scolding and ridicule. Other officials, however, managed to flee during the chaos. Ultimately, the detained officials were allowed to leave only after promising not to block the villagers again. All accompanying vehicles remained in villagers’ custody.
According to locals at the scene, on the morning of the 29th, after the government promised to cover the injured person’s medical expenses, the deceased was buried. Video from that afternoon shows villagers pushing one of the seized Hongqi sedans off the roadside.
Since early this month, farmers in Xifeng, Guizhou, and Zhenxiong, Yunnan, have repeatedly launched large-scale protests against mandatory cremation policies imposed by local governments. Multiple clashes have occurred between villagers and authorities. In Xifeng, even a deputy county head was once surrounded by villagers. In Mushan Village of Shidong Town, thousands of villagers have been taking turns guarding the cemetery for over twenty days to prevent officials from “stealing bodies,” and the watch continues.
「贵州农民围县长反强制火葬：怒斥官员“先挖习近平祖坟”（2025.11.22）」本周六（11月22日），贵州省贵阳市息烽县石硐镇连续爆发两起农民示威事件，村民们为抵制当地政府推行的强制火葬政策，与政府人员发生了激烈对峙，并一度围堵了一名副县长。
强征火葬政策不得人心，村民怒斥官员“先挖习近平祖坟”
事件的起因是息烽县近期开始实施的强制火葬政策，该政策要求辖区内所有居民，死后必须进行火化。这一政策一经推出，便引发民间普遍不满。村民指出，周边许多市县因政策遭反对，已从“强制火葬”改为“自愿火葬”，但息烽县却坚持强推，且无法拿出法律依据。村民表示，当地政府为了敛财，强制推行火葬，不但违背了“入土为安”的传统习俗，还将增加农户负担。不少村民在支付火化费、购买骨灰盒后，还要按照传统购置棺木为逝者进行土葬，因为农村没有专门的地方存放骨灰盒。
在面对进村宣传政策并要求村民签字的政府人员，村民曾愤怒质问：“如果共产党要挖祖坟，就先把习近平家的祖坟挖了再说！你们敢去挖吗？”此外，村民还警告政府人员，政府若想要强行挖走已下葬的遗体，“你们就放马过来，看看老百姓会不会放过你们”
木杉村：数百村民聚集阻政府偷尸
周六白天，在石硐镇木杉村，数百村民在听闻政府人员将挖走一名以下葬死者的遗体后，迅速聚集。在现场，村民们手持棍棒守在坟头四周，表示若政府人员强挖遗体，他们将“拼死阻拦”。此外，村民们还在现场用音响持续播放诉求，要求取消强制火葬政策；直至当天深夜，大批村民仍在坟山周围值守，而此前曾扬言要进村抢尸的政府人员，则因人数劣势，未有行动。
水头村：副县长殴打死者家属被围
周六晚，在距离木杉村仅数公里的水头村，一场更为激烈的对峙爆发。据当地村民称，息烽县副县长强勇在要求家属交出一名死者遗体时，殴打了死者的妹妹，引发众怒。
愤怒的村民迅速聚集，人数从几十人扩大到数百人，将副县长与随行的多名政府人员及警察层层围堵，期间，双方再次爆发冲突。现场视频显示，副县长强勇曾承诺会承担伤者的全部医药费用。双方的对峙一直持续到次日凌晨，在此期间，副县长强勇趁乱逃离了现场。
目前，两起事件仍在当地不断发酵，有大量周边网友表示将会到现场支持村民的反抗行动。
“Guizhou Farmers Surround County Official in Protest Against Mandatory Cremation: Villagers Lash Out, Saying ‘Dig Up Xi Jinping’s Ancestral Tomb First’ (Nov. 22, 2025)”
On Saturday (November 22), two separate protests broke out in Shidong Town, Xifeng County, Guiyang, Guizhou Province. Villagers resisting the local government’s mandatory cremation policy confronted officials, and at one point surrounded a deputy county chief.
Mandatory cremation policy provokes widespread discontent; villagers tell officials to “dig up Xi Jinping’s ancestral tomb first”
The protests stemmed from Xifeng County’s recent implementation of a mandatory cremation policy requiring all residents to be cremated after death. The policy has triggered broad public dissatisfaction. Villagers noted that many neighboring cities and counties, due to public opposition, had already shifted from mandatory to voluntary cremation, yet Xifeng County continued to push ahead and failed to provide any legal grounds for the requirement.
They argued that the local government was enforcing cremation for financial gain, in a way that not only contradicts the traditional custom of burial for “resting in the earth,” but also increases the financial burden on rural households. Many villagers said that after paying for cremation and purchasing urns, they still had to buy coffins for burial because rural areas have no designated facilities to store urns.
When government staff entered the villages to promote the policy and solicit signatures, villagers angrily confronted them, saying:
“If the Communist Party wants to dig up ancestors’ graves, then start by digging up Xi Jinping’s ancestral tomb! Do you dare?”
They also warned that if authorities attempted to forcibly exhume bodies already buried,
“Go ahead and try—let’s see whether ordinary people will let you walk away.”
Mushan Village: Hundreds gather to stop officials from exhuming a body
During the day on Saturday in Mushan Village, hundreds of villagers gathered after hearing that government personnel intended to remove the body of a recently buried resident. Villagers stood guard around the gravesite holding wooden sticks, saying they would “resist to the death” if the authorities attempted a forced exhumation.
Loudspeakers were used on site to broadcast their demands for the mandatory cremation policy to be withdrawn. Villagers continued guarding the area late into the night. Officials—who earlier had threatened to “seize the body”—did not act because they were outnumbered.
Shuitou Village: Deputy county chief allegedly assaults deceased’s sister and is surrounded
On Saturday night, a more intense confrontation occurred in Shuitou Village, only a few kilometers away. According to villagers, Xifeng County Deputy Chief Qiang Yong struck the sister of a deceased resident while demanding that the family hand over the body, which sparked anger.
Villagers quickly gathered—growing from dozens to hundreds—surrounding the deputy county chief along with accompanying officials and police. A physical clash followed.
Video from the scene shows Qiang Yong promising to cover all medical expenses for the injured woman. The standoff lasted until the early hours of the next morning, during which Qiang eventually escaped amid the commotion.
Both incidents continue to escalate, and many netizens from nearby areas have expressed intentions to travel to the scene to support the villagers.